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JAMES'  BUCHANAN 

HIS  DOCTRINES  ‘AND  POLICY 


J 

'A 

\s  EXHIBITED  BY  HIMSELF  AND  FRIENDS. 

0 


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MR.  BUCHANAN  AS  .A*  FEDERALIST. 


AN  ORATION, 

I UKLIVEKEI)  ON  THE  4tH  OP  JULY  1815,  BEFORE  THE 
i WASHINGTON  ASSOCIATION  OP  LANCASTER. 

i BY  JAMES  BUCHANAN. 

History  of  the  Revolution. 

Thirty-Nine  years  ago,  upon  this  day,  we  were 
declared  an  independent  people.  At  tkat  time  the 
Continental  Congress  burst  asunder  the  chains  which 
bound  them  to  Great  Britain,  and  resolved  to  be  free, 
or  to  perish  in  the  attempt.  Upon  that  day,  they 
presented  to  the  world  a spectacle  of  wisdom  and 
lirmness  which  has  never  been  excelled. 

To  make  a proper  estimate  of  their  conduct,  we 
must  take  into  vieWy  the  then  situation  of  this  coun- 
try, compared  with,' that  of  our  enemy.  On  the  one 
,si4e,  the  armies  of  Great  Britain  were  numerous 
and  veteran;  they  were  led  by  commanders  who 
had  acquired  military  reputation  in  every  clime ; they 
were  supported  and  furnished  with  every  implement 
of  war  by  a nation  whose  wealth  has,  upon  difler- 
eut  occasions,  purchased  the  services  of  all  the 
crowned  heads  in  Europe.  On-  the  other  side,  our 
armies  were  small  and  unacquainted  with  military 
discipline  : our  officers  were  destitute  of  experience ; 
and  we  were  so  miserably  poor,  that  our  brave 
soldiers  were  not  more  than  half  clothed,  and  their 
winter  marches,  over  the  frosty  ground  which  they 
were  defending,  could  be  tracked  by  the  blood  that 
flowed  from  their  naked  feet. 

But  even  these  were  not  the  only  disadvantages 
under  which  we  labored.  Whilst  our  enemy  invaded 
us  from  without,  the  torch  of  discord  and  of  treason 
was  lighted  up  within,  when  independence  was  de- 
clared, the  mother  country  had  a powerful  party 
'fliroughout  all  the  middle  States,  and  many  adherents 
in  every  other  part  of  the  Union. 

Dreadful,  therefore,  was  the  responsibility  of  that 
Gongress.  Had  not  victory  carried  their  banners, 
their  names  would  have  been  cursed  by  the  people 
of  this  country,  as  the  promoters  of  a destructive 
civil  war,  whilst  their  blood  wbuld  have  flowed  on 
I he  scaffold  as  a sacrifice  to  appease  the  spirit  of 
British  vengeance.  In  this  a-v^ul  situation,  whilst 
the  dark  cloud  of  destruction  appeared  ready  to 
burst  upon  them,  they  declared  to  the  world  our  In- 
dependence. They  thought  that, 

“ One  day,  one  hour  of  virtuous  liberty, 

Was  worth  a whole  eternity  of  bondage.” 

Everlasting  honor  to  their  names!  The  gratitude 

!i  free  people  will  for'dver  hallow  their  memory. 


It  is  not  my  intention,  at  this  time,  to  give  you  a 
narrative  of  those  glorious  events  of  the  revolution- 
ary war,  which  led  to  the  recognition  of  our  Inde- 
pendence by  Great  Britain  and  the  world.  They 
have  been  the  subject  of  so  many  orations,  and  of 
such  general  interest,  that  they  are  familiar  to  every 
mind.  The  present  oration  shall  contain  a short  his- 
torical sketch  of  the  most  prominent  action  of  the 
party  now  in  power  in  this  country,  and  their  conse- 
quences ; and  also  an  inquiry  concerning  the  course 
which  sound  policy  dictates  that  the  government  of  the 
United  States  should  pursue  in  future.  The  impor- 
tance of  those  subjects,  although  not  strictly  con- 
nected with  the  celebration  of  this  day,  will,  I trust, 
be  their  apology  to  every  mind. 

Mr.  By^hanan  attacks  the  Democracy. 

There  was  st  powerful  faction  in  the  United  States, 
opposed  to  the-fcSpption  of  the  Federal  Constitution, 
The  individuals  • o^'  which  it  was  composed  were 
called  anthfederaltsts,  and  were  the  founders  of  the 
Democratic  Party.  ^ . JThey  gloried  in  setting  them- 
selyes  in  array  agaiQ|l  our  present  admirable  form 
of  government.  The  authors  of  this  opposition 
were  chiefly  who  might  have  risen  to 

the’head  of  a state  fabtibp,  but  who  felt  conscious 
that  their  talents  would  be  eclipsed,  when  the  lumi- 
naries of  the  United  Stated  should  be  collected 
around  the  General  Governmont.  To  gratify  their 
ambition,  they  wished  that  this'  country  should  con- 
tinue divided  into  a number  of  petty  state  sovereign- 
ties without ' any  efficient  government  for  their  con- 
trol. This  Ahqy  ^esired,  although  they  had  the  ex- 
ample of  aticiciirt.'^-Greece  before  their  eyes,  and  well 
knew  the  clashing  interests  of  the  States  and  their  mu- 
tual jealousies,  kept  alive  by  alhances  with  different 
foreign  nations,  would  have  made  this  country  a per- 
petual theatre  of  contention  and  civil  war,  until  it 
had  fled  for  refuge  into  the  arms  of  di'  -;ioti3m.  They 
therefore  sounded  the  alarm  througho  ut  the  Union 
against  the  Federal  Constitution.  Ttiey  predicted 
ruin  to  the  State  governments  and  to  the  liberties  of 
the  people,  from  the  powers  given  to  the  general 
government.  By  these  means  they  succeeded  in 
alarming  the  fears  of  many  good  men,  and  inducing 
them  to  believe  that  government^  which  is  now 
the  palladium  of  their  safety,  would  bo  the  instru- 
ment of  their  destruction.  Notwithstanding  their 
desperate  efforts  the  Constitution  -was  adopted, 
and  Washington  was  elected  President. 

It  might  have  been  supposed  that  these  factionariea 
would  have  been  awed  iuto  silence  by  his  vrisdom 


HPP  (1994-96):  tiet  so!oct«<i 
film  exists  at  anoihes*  librarys 


and  virtue.  This  Tvas  not  the  case.  The  opposition 
which  they  had  given  to  the  Federal  government,  was 
now  transferred  to  its  administration.  At  first,  in- 
deed, the  voice  of  calumny  dared  only  to  whisper 
against  Washington  and  his  measures,  but  ere  long 
it  was  heard  in  thunder. 

When  the  French  Eevolution  commenced,  it  was 
hailed  by  the  people  of  this  country,  generally,  as 
the  dawn  of  rational  liberty  in  Europe.  But  when, 
in  its  progress,  it  had  become  the  destruction  of  reli- 
gion and  morality — when  thousands  of  citizens  were 
daily  sentenced  to  death,  and  butchered  without 
trial  and  without  crime — when  all  the  horrors  of  an- 
archy were  poured  out  upon  that  devoted  country  at 
home — and  when  Attila-like  it  had  become  the 
scourge  of  God  to  foreign  nations,  the  Washington 
party  began  to  entertain  fears  of  its  result,  and 
thought  it,  necessary  to  stem  the  French  influence, 
which  was  rapidly  overflowing  our  country.  To 
this  duty  they  were  imperiously  called,  as  it  was  not 
only  in  theory  one  of  the  avowed  objects  of  that  gov- 
ernment to  spread  revolutionary  principles  over  the 
whole  world,  but  they  had  actually  attempted  to 
BOW  the  seeds  of  rebellion  throughout  the  United 
States. 

True  to  their  original  principles  and  their  first 
love,  the  democratic  party  of  that  day  became  more 
the  friends  of  the  French  as  they  became  more  the 
enemies  of  social  order. — ^When  the  proclamation  of 
neutrality  was  issued  by  Washington — that  procla- 
mation which  is  now  almost  universally  admitted  to 
have  been  the  salvation  of  our  country — that  procla- 
tion  which  impartially  placed  England  and  France 
upon  the  same  footing,  and  laid  open  the  commerce 
of  the  world  to  America,  they  were  enraged  that  we 
had  not  entered  into  an  alliance  with  the  French 
Bepublic,  and  waged  war  under  their  banners, 
against  the  human  race.  But  when  the  treaty  of 
peace  with  England,  commonly  called  Jay’s  treaty, 
was  ratifi^  by  Washington,  torrents  of  personal 
abuse  were  poured  out  by  the  democratic  party 
-upert  his  head.  They  openly  charged  the  father  of 
ms  country  wiih  an  intention  of  destroying  his 
oum  beloved  offspring.  To  such  a pitch  of  ingra- 
titude were  they  carried  by  their  diabolical 
passions  that  they  dared  publicly,  and  without 
the  slightest  foundation,  to  accuse  him  of  secretly 
putting  his  hand  into  the  treasury  like  a felon. 
and  appropriating  without  authority,  the  money  oi 
the  nation  to  his  own  individual  use.  That  man, 
the  vigor  of  whose  youth  had  been  worn  out  in  those 
splendid  military  achievements  which  made  our 
country  independent,  and  whose  age  and  experience 
had  been  devoted  to  the  creation  and  organization 
of  the  federal  government — that  man  w'ho  had  never 
received  one  farthing  more  of  the  public  money  than 
what  he  had  expended  in  the  public  service  was  ac- 
cused of  being  a base  peculator  of  the  public  treasure. 
— D’oring  this  cruel  persecution  his  noble  mind  felt 
sensibly  the  stings  of  his  countrymen’s  ingratitude. 
In  the  bitterness  of  his  soul  he  complained  that  he 
had  been  abused,  to  use  his  own  emphatical  language 
in  “ such  exaggerated  and  indecent  terms,  as  could 
scarcely  be  applied  to  a Negro — a notorious  de- 
faulter— or  even  to  a common  pick-pocket.” 

What  must  be  our  opinion  of  an  opposition,  whose  ^ 
passions  were  so  dark  and  mali^ccnt  as  to  be  gratified 
m endeavoring  to  blast  the  character  and  embitter 
the  old  age  of  Washington?  After  thus  persecuting 
the  savior  of  his  country,  how  can  the  democratic 
party  dare  to  call  themselves  his  disciples  7 

But  BO  opposition  could  divert  the  steady  soul  of 
Washington  from  its  purpose.  He  had  digested  a 
s^tem  of  polidy,  which  ne  steadily  pursued,  amid 
the  storms  of  faction.  His  successor  in  office  tor  the 
most  part,  walked  in  his  footsteps.  To  continue  at 
peace  a nation  most  be  prepared  for  war,  was  a 
maxim  by  which  the  Feaeral  administrations  were 


! constantly  directed.  Under  their  auspices,  there 
' fore,  public  credit  was  well  estabbshed  as  the  besi 
means  of  public  defence.  The  debt  of  the  revolu- 
tionary war  was  funded,  and  moderate  taxes  w^erc 
imposed.  A navy  was  built  to  the  protection  of  com 
merce.  We  considered  aU  nations  equally,  in  wai 
as  enemies,  in  peace  as  friends ; and  therefore  2 
strict  neutrality  towards  all  nations  was  preserved 
It  would  be  impossible  to  enumerate  every  wise 
measure  of  the  Washington  administration  ; suffice  it 
to  say,  that  during  their  continuance,  the  prosperitv 
of  this  country  was  unexampled  in  the  annals  of 
time.  The  dreams  of  fancy  we  almost  realize, 
Cities  raised  up  as  by  magic  throughout  our  country, 
and  wealth  flowed  in  upon  us  from  all  nations.  The 
wilderness  yielded  to  agriculture,  and  fields  loaded 
with  the  richest  harvests  covered  those  gloomy 
forests,  where  wild  beasts  but  a few  years  ago  had 
u&ed  to  roam.  Happy  indeed,  were  those  people 
had  they  but  known  their  own  happiness.  N otwith 
standing  their  prosperity,  faction  still  continued  U 
rage  and  to  increase. — The  possession  of  power  was 
the  end  of  the  opposition,  about  the  means  they 
were  regardless.  Their  leaders  pretended  to  tender 
solicitude  for  the  welfare  of  the  people.  Their  voices 
were  loud  in  favor  of  public  economy  and  against  a 
navy,  an  army,  and  taxes.  Although  France  had 
wantonly  captured  a number  of  our  vessels  without 
cause,  had  actually  demanded  tribute  from  us  and 
had  threatened  our  country  with  invasion,  and  with 
the  dreadful  fate  of  Venice  if  it  were  not  paid : 
although  she  had  twice  refused  to  recognize  our  min 
isters  who  went  supplicating  for  peace,  they  were 
opposed  to  raising  an  army  or  navy  for  our  defence 
After  an  army  had  been  raised,  notwithstanding  i 
was  commanded  by  Washington,  and  destined  to  act 
against  a foreign  enemy,  they  loudly  expressed  their 
apprehension  that  it  was  intended  to  destroy  our 
republican  form  of  government  and  substitute  raon 
archy  in  its  stead.  The  taxes  necessary  for  its  sup 
port  afforded  them  a fresh  theme  of  declamation.  By 
means  such  as  these  they  succeeded  so  well  in  their 
endeavors  that  they  at  length  became  the  majority 
of  the  nation,  and  got  its  destinies  placed  in  their 
hands. — How  they  have  used  their  power  it  wil 
now  be  my  endeavor  to  show. 

They  began  by  the  destruction  of  the  navy.  It 
had  been  supposed  by  the  Federal  administrations 
that  a navy  was  our  best  defence. — From  the  local 
ity  of  our  country,  and  from  the  nature  of  such  t 
force,  they  knew  that  it  would  be  peculiarly  calcu- 
lated to  protect  our  shores  from  foreign  invasion, 
and  to  make  us  respected  by  the  nations  of  the 
world;  without,  like  a standing  army,  endangering 
our  liberties.  It  was  also  foreseen  by  them,  that 
without  a navy  our  commerce  would  be  exposed, 
and  in  consequence  of  our  weakness  we  would  be 
exposed  to  constant  insult  and  injury  upon  the 
ocean,  without  the  power  of  resistance.  It  had 
therefore  been  their  policy  gradually  to  erect  a navy, 
and  they  had  built  a great  number  of  vessels  at  the 
time  when  the  first  democratic  administration  came 
into  power. 

At  that  moment  the  scene  changed.  They  had 
promised  the  people  an  exemption  from  taxes,  and 
unless  they  could  perform,  their  popularity  was  in 
danger.  They  did  not  hesitate  what  course  to  pur- 
sue. They  immediately  sold  our  national  ships,  dis- 
armed the  country,  left  commerce  unprotected,  and 
invited  insult  and*  injustice  from  abroad,  that  they 
mi^ht  not  be  under  the  necessity  of  imposing  a 
trifling  tax,  and  thereby  injuring  their  populaiity  at 
home. 

Thanks  be  to  Providence  their  delusion  on  thir 
subject  has  vanished,  and  their  conduct  now  appears 
in  its  proper  light  before  the  public.  The  little 
remnant  of  that  navy  which  had  been  fondl.^ 
cherished  by  Washington  and  his  adherents,  bn 


VI 


3 


'vhich  was  despised  by  the  patriots  of  the  present 
..ay,  has  risen  triuinphuiit  above  its  enemies  <at  home, 
..n’d  has  made  the  proud  mistress  of  the  ocean  trem- 
)le.  The  people  are  now  convinced  that  a navy  is 
:.heir  best  defence. 

The  democratic  administration  next  declared  v^ar 
against  commerce.  'J’hey  were  not  satisfied  with 
depriving  it  of  the  protection  of  tlie  navy,  but  they 
acted  as'though  they  were  determined  upon  its  anni- 
hilation. At  a time  when  the  nations  of  Europe 
were  convulsed  in  dreadful  wars,  the  United  States 
being  neutral,  and  when  in  consequence  thereof  all 
onr  native  productions  were  in  the  greatest  demand, 
and  the  carrying  trade  presented  to  our  merchants  a 
rich  harvest  in  every  quarter  of  the  globe,  they  shut 
up  our  ports  by  embargoes  and  non-importation  laws. 
By  these  means  the  streams  of  wealth  which  were 
flowing  into  our  national  treasury  and  into  our  coun- 
try from  the  thousand  fountains  of  commerce,  were 
suddenly  dried  up.  These  acts  of  parricide  gave  in- 
stantaneous and  a dreadful  blow  to  our  posterity. 
The  voice  of  business  was  no  longer  heard  in  our 
cities.  The  stillness  of  death  pervaded  every  street. 
Dejection  and  despair  sat  on  each  man’s  counte- 
nance. The  newspapers  of  the  day  instead  of  being 
tilled  with  arrivals  from  abroad  and  sales  of  mer- 
chandize, teemed  with  bankruptcies.  And  our  ships 
were  laid  up  to  rot,  as  melancholy  monuments  of 
the  weak  and  toicked  policy  of  our  government. 

Who  that  has  witnessed  these  things  cannot  ob-- 
serve  the  hand  of  the  Corsican  despot,  like  that 
dreadful  hand  upon  the  wall  of  the  Babylonish  mon- 
arch, writing  our  destruction  ? — Who  can  avoid  be- 
lieving that  Bonaparte  was  the  source  of  this  policy? 

, and  that  it  was  intended  to  operate  in  unison  with 
his  continental  system  ? It  might,  perhaps,  be  un- 
warrantable to  assert  that  our  administration  was 
^ actually  corrupted  by  France  ; but  that  their  politics 
' were  biased  by  a warm  and  inyproper  partiality  for 
that  country,  there  can  be  no  doubt. 

Time  will  not  allow  me  to  enumerate  all  the  other 
" wild  and  wicked  projects  of  the  Demcmratic  adminis- 
“ tration.  Suffice  it  to  say,  that  after  they  had 
deprived  us  of  the  means  of  defence,  by  destroying 
■^our  navy  and  disbanding  our  army ; after  they  had 
/taken  away  from  us  the  power  of  re-creating  them, 
by  ruining  commerce,  the  great  source  of  our  na- 
tional  and  individual  wealth ; after  they  had,  by 
refusing  the  bank  of  the  United  States  a continuation 
of  its  charter,  embarrassed  the  financial  concerns  of 
the  Government,  and  withdrawn  the  only  universal 
paper  medium  of  the  country  from  circulation  ; after 
the  people  had  become  unaccustomed  to,  and  of 
course,  unwilling  to  bear  taxation;  and  without 
money  in  the  treasury,  they  rashly  plunged  us  into 
a war  with  a nation  more  able  to  do  us  injury  than 
any  other  in  the  world.  What  was  the  dreadful  ne- 
cessity for  this  desperate  measure  ? Was  our  coun- 
try invaded?  No.  Were  our  liberties  in  danger? 
No?  Was  it  to  protect  our  little  remaining  com- 
merce from  the  injuries  it  sustained  by  the  orders 
in  council?  Comnierce  was  not  such  a favorite,  and 
the  merchants  wished  for  no  war  at  all  on  that  ac- 
count. 

Besides,  if  the  existence  of  the  orders  in  council 
had  been  its  true  cause,  after  their  repeal,  our  coun- 
try would  have  accepted  i he  olive  branch  which  was 
offered  by  England.  What  then  was  the  cause?  The 
one  for  which  we  professed  to  draw  the  sword  and 
risk  our  all,  was  to  deterurne  an  abstract  question  of 
the  law  of  nations,  concerning  which,  an  opinion  dif- 
ferent from  that  of  our  administration,  was  held  by 
all  Europe.  To  decide  whether  a man  can  expatriate 
or  not.  In  the  decision  of  this  question  our  admi- 
nistration pretended  to  feel  deep  interest.  The  great 
part  of  those  foreigners  who  would  be  affected  by  it, 
had  long  been  their  earnest  friends.  They  had  been  one 
of  the  great  means  of  elevating  the  present  ‘^Democra- 


tic) ruling  party,  and  it  would  have  been  ungratejvX 
for  that  party  to  have  abandoned  them. 

Superficial  observers  may  suppose  this  to  have 
been  the  real  source  of  the  war,  but  whoever  will 
carefully  and  impartially  examine  the  history  of  our 
country,  will  find  its  true  origin  to  have  been  far  dif- 
I'erent.  It  took  its  rise  from  the  over-weening  par- 
tiality which  the  Democratic  party  have  uniformly 
.shown  for  France,  and  the  consequent  hatred  which 
they  felt  against  her  great  adversary,  England.  To 
secure  this  foreign  feeling  has  been  the  labor  of  their 
leaders  for  more  than  twenty  years,  and  well  have 
they  been  repaid  for  their  trouble,  for  it  has  been  one 
of  the  principal  causes  of  introducing  and  continuing 
them  in  power.  Immediately  before  the  war,  thu 
foreign  influence,  had  completely  embodied  itself 
with  every  political  feeling  of  a majority  of  the  i)eo- 
ple,  particularly  in  the  West. — Its  voice  was  heard  so 
loud  at  the  seat  of  government,  that  the  President  was 
obliged  either  to  yield  to  its  dictates  or  retire  i'rom 
office.  The  choice  in  this  alternative  was  easily  made 
by  a man  (Madison)  who  preferred  private  interest  to 
the  public  good.  We  were,  therefore,  hurried  into 
war  unprepared. 

What  has  been  its  result?  Exactly  what  every 
reasonable  man  expected  at  its  commencement.  We 
declared  our  intention  of  conquering  Canada,  whether 
for  the  purpo.se  of  annexing  it  to  the  United  States 
or  of  compelling  our  enemy  to  yield  the  doctrine  of 
Impri’oonmen.t,  is  immaterial  to  the  present  question. 
Instead  of  conquering  it,  we  have  ourselves  been  in- 
vaded in  every  quarter,  and  the  best  blood  of  our 
country  has  streamed  in  defence  of  our  soil.  The 
very  capitol  of  the  United  States,  the  loftly  temple 
of  liberty,  which  was  reared  and  consecrated  by 
Washington,  has  been  abandoned  to  its  fate  by  his 
degenerate  successor,  (Madison,)  who  ought  to  have 
shed  his  last  drop  of  blood  in  its  defence. 

After  the  (Democratic)  administration  had  enter- 
ed upon  the  war,  instead  of  coming  forward  with 
manly  confidence  and  taxing  the  people  for  its  sup- 
port, they  basely  shi-unk  from  their  duty,  in  order  to 
maintain  their  popularity,  and  adopted  the  ruinous 
system  of  carrying  on  the  contest  by  borrowing  mo- 
ney. What  were  the  effects  of  this  policy?  Does  not 
every  man  in  the  country  know,  was  it  even  di.sguis- 
ed  by  the  administration,  that  the  United  States 
would,  in  a short  time,  have  become  bankrupt,  had 
not  peace  been  concluded?  Thanks  to  Heaven,  that 
we  have  obtained  peace,  bad  and  disgraceful  as  it  is ; 
otherwise,  the  beautiful  structure  of  the  Federal 
Government,  supported  by  the  same  feeble  haruls, 
might  ha  ve  sunk,  like  the  capitol,  into  ruins. 

This  system  of  anticipating  our  revenue  has  left  an 
immense  load  of  debt  upon  the  country,  the  payment 
of  which  will  be  a grievous  burden,  not  only  upon 
the  present  generation,  but  upon  posterity.  This 
burden  has  fallen  more  heavily  upon  our  country 
than  upon  any  other  part  of  the  Union;  on  account 
of  our  numerous  and  extensive  distilleries.  The  late 
additional  duty  upon  whisky  has  almost  destroyed 
its  manufacture.  In  its  consequence  it  has  not  only 
affected  the  distilleries,  but  it  has  given  a severe 
blow  upon  the  prosperity  of  this  country  generally. 

Whilst  the  distilleries  were  in  active  operation, 
the  cattle  and  grain  found  a good  and  ready  market 
at  home.  The  balance  of  trade  was  greatly  in  our 
favor,  and  wealth  was  rapidly  diffusing  itself  through, 
out  the  country.  But  Congress,  by  imposing  a tax 
upon  the  article,  more  grievous  than  it  was  able  to 
bear,  have  destroyed  the  very  revenue  which  they 
intended  to  raise.  This  instance,  among  many  others 
of  a similar  nature,  shows  how  totally  destitute  are  our 
present  rulers  of  wisdom  and  foresight,  even  upon  suh- 
jeots  immediately  regarding  the  pecuniary  interests 
of  the  government. 

_ These  are  not  the  only  evils  consequent  upon  that 
timid  and  time-serving  policy.  It  has  embarrassed 


4 


the  government  so  mncli  that  it  must  be  a long  time 
indeed  before  we  can  dare  again  to  go  to  war  with 
any  powerful  nation,  even  for  the  maintenance  of  our 
dearest  rights.  All  these  evils  would,  in  a great  meas- 
ure, have  been  prevented  by  sufficient  independence 
in  the  administration,  to  have  imposed  moderate 
taxes  at  the  commencement  of  the  contest.  The  cre- 
dit of  the  nation  would  then  have  continued  good, 
and  we  might  have  avoided  the  painful  spectacle  of 
seeing  the  public  stock  sold  in  the  market  at  an  enor- 
mous discount,  and  greedy  speculators  enriching 
themselves  by  its  purchase,  at  the  expense  of  the 
toil  and  sweat  of  the  honest  yeomany  of  our  country. 

Instead  of  exempting  seamen  sailing  under  our 
flag  from  impressment  by  the  war,  we  have  alto- 
gether relinquished  that  principle ; because  it  is  a 
well  established  truth  in  the  history  of  nations,  that 
if  war  be  waged  by  one  country  against  another  for 
a specified  claim,  and  the  treaty  wfeich  terminated 
the  contest  is  silent  upon  that  subject,  it  is  forever 
abandoned. — Thus  the  government  have  at  last  yield- 
ed the  very  point  for  the  maintenance  of  which  they 
rofessed  to  go  to  war,  after  having  expended  nearly 
200,000,000. 

We  have  not  only  not  obtained  by  the  war  any- 
thing which  we  ought  to  expect,  but  we  have  lost 
many  valuable  privileges.  All  the  numerous  rights 
and  advantages  guaranteed  to  us  by  Jay’s  treaty 
have  been  relinquished.  Nay,  we  have  not  only  been 
oompelled  to  conclude  a treaty  which  does  not  con- 
tain one  solitary  stipulation  in  our  favor,  except  that 
there  shall  be  peace,  but  which  unsettles  the  boun- 
daries of  our  country,  and  leaves  to  the  decision  of 
commissioners  whether  we  shall  retain  a part  of  our 
own  territory,  which  we  have  held  in  quiet  posses- 
ion for  more  than  twenty  years. 

But  notwithstanding  our  immense  national  debt, 
which,  if  the  war  had  continued,  would  soon  have 
resulted  in  national  bankruptcy  ; notwithstanding  all 
our  poverty,  even  the  very  necessaries  of  life  have 
been  taxed  heavily;  notwithstanding  we  have  not 
obtained  a single  object  which  we  had  in  view  at  the 
commencement  of  the  contest,  but  have  lost  many 
valuable  privileges ; notwithstanding  our  country 
has  been  invaded  in  every  quarter,  and  the  capitol 
•f  the  United  States  has  been  laid  in  ashes  by  a 
marauding  party  of  the  enemy,  this  has  been  called 
a glorious  war.  Glorious  it  has  been  in  the  highest 
degree  to  the  American  character ; but  disgraceful 
in  the  extreme  to  the  administration.  When  the  in- 
dividual-States  discovered  that  they  were  abandoned 
by  the  General  Government,  who^se  duty  it  was  to 
protect  them,  the  fortitude  of  the  citizens  arose  with 
their  misfortunes.  The  moment  we  were  invaded,  the 
genius  of  freedom  inspired  their  souls. — They  rushed 
upon  their  enemies  with  a hallowed  fury,  which  the 
hireling  soldiers  could  never  feel.  They  taught  our 
foe  that  the  soil  of  freedom  would  ever  be  the  grave 
of  its  invaders. 

But  do  the  administration,  who  involved  us  in  the 
late  unnecessary  war,  derive  any  credit  from  their  ex- 
ertions ? Certainly  not. — They  were  the  spontaneous 
efforts  of  the  country,  undirected  by  the  government. 
The  militia,  who  were  chiefly  engaged  in  these  glori- 
ous conflicts,  were  often  without  pay,  and  without 
comfortable  clothing.  The  dreadful  situation  of  the 
country  compelled  them  to  abandon  their  families 
and  the  sweets  of  domestic  life,  without  any  previous 
warning,  to  defend  places  which  were  left  utterly  un- 
protected by  their  proper  guardians — places  which 
ought  to  have  been  ready  for  a siege  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  contest.  As  well  might  P'erdin- 
and  the  Vll.  of  Spain,  who  was  not  in  his  kingdom, 
but  who  was  nominally  king,  claim  the  glory  of  res- 
cuing his  country  from  the  armies  of  France,  as  our 
government  take  to  itself  the  credit  of  expelling  our 
invaders. 

When  wo  turn  our  attention  to  the  regular  army 


which  were  peculiarly  under  the  direction  of  the 
national  government,  what  do  we  discover  ? During 
the  first  year  of  the  war,  that  year  in  which  it  was 
to  have  closed  with  glory,  that  year  within  which 
our  triumphant  banners  were  to  have  floated  upon 
the  walls  of  Queoec,  and  all  Canada  was  to  have 
been  ours,  the  year  in  which  that  province  was  left 
unprotected,  and  the  forces  of  our  enemy  were  em- 
ployed in  Europe,  it  exqierienced  nothing  but  degra- 
dation and  defeat.  Is  there  an  American  on  the  fleor 
of  this  house,  who  has  not  blushed  for  his  country  a 
thousand  times,  during  that  disgraceful  year?  Until 
all  the  general  officers  who  had  been  appointed  for 
political  purposes,  and  entrusted  with  the  command 
at  the  commencement  of  the  contest  were  disgraced  ; 
and  until  others  had  fought  themselves  into  credit 
and  into  notice,  all  our  battles  ended  in  defeat.  ■ 

During  the  last  year  of  the  war,  the  regular  army 
under  their  new  commanders  retrieved  their  lost 
character,  and  performed  prodigies  of  valor,  but 
unfortunately,  on  account  of  the  impotence  of  the 
government,  they  fought  against  such  fearful  odds 
that  they  were  hardly  anle  even  to  defend  our  northern 
frontier.  Indeed,  so  dreadful  was  the  situation  of 
our  country,  for  some  time  previous  to  the  close  of 
the  contest,  that  the  occasional  spendid  exploits  of 
bur  heroes,  like  the  gleams  of  lightning  in  a dark 
and  tempestuous  night,  only  added  new  horrors  to 
the  surrounding  gloom.  They  only  served  to  show 
what  brilliant  exertions  our  country  might  have 
made,  had  we  been  governed  by  men  who  were  capa- 
ble of  properly  collecting  and  direciiug  its  resources. 

But  peace  has  again  retorned  to  bless  our  shores. 
Again  commerce,  who  h*  been  for  years  weeping 
over  the  misfortunes  of  our  country,  begins  to  smile. 
Again  we  stand  neutral  towards  all  the  European 
powers.  OFhat  then  should  be  the  political  couduct 
of  our  country  in  future?  Precisely  to  pursue  the 
political  maxims  adopted  by  W ashington.  W e ougiit 
to  cultivate  peace  with  all  nations,  by  adopting  a strict 
neutrality  not  only  of  conduct  but  of  sentiment.  We 
ought  to*  ma^e  our  neutrality  respected  by  placing 
ourselves  in  an  attitude  of  defence.  We  ought  forever 
to  abandon  the  wild  project  of  a philosophic  visionary, 
of  letting  commerce  protect  itself.  For  its  protection 
we  ought  to  increase  our  navy.  We  ought  never  to 
think  of  embargoes  and  non-intercourse  laws  without 
abhorrence.  We  ought  to  use  every  honest  exer- 
tion to  turn  out  of  power  those  weak  and  w'icked 
men  who  have  abandoned  the  political  path  marked 
out  for  this  country  by  Washington,  and  whose  wild 
and  visionary  theories  have  bofin  at  length  tested  by 
experience  and  found  wanting^ 


Mr.  Buchanan  as  a Know  Nothing. 

Above  all  we  ought  to  drive  from  our  shores 
foreign  influence,  and  cherish  exclusive  American 
feelings.  Foreign  influence  has  been  in  every  age,  the 
curse  of  republics.  Her  jaundiced  eye  sees  all  things 
in  false  colors  ! The  thick  atmosphere  of  prejudice, 
by  which  she  is  forever  surrounded  excludes  from  her 
sight  the  light  of  reason. 

While  she  worships  the  nation  which  she  favors  for 
their  very  crimes,  she  curses  the  enemy  of  that 
nation  even  for  their  vii’tues.  In  every  age  she  haa 
marched  before  the  enemies  of  her  country,  pro- 
claiming peace  when  there  was  no  peace,  and  lulling 
defenders  into  fatal  security,  whilst  the  iron  hand  of 
despotism  has  been  aiming  a death  blow  at  their 
liberties.  Already  has  our  infant  republic  felt  her 
w'itheriug  influence.  Already  has  she  involved  us  in 
a war  which  has  nearly  cost  us  our  existence. 

Let  us  then  learn  wisdom  from  experience,  and  for- 
ever banish  this  fiend  from  our  society.  We  are  sepa- 
rated from  the  nations  of  Europe  by  an  immense 
ocean.  We  are  still  more  disconnected  from  them 


5 


by  a different  form  of  government,  and  by  tbe  enjoy- 
ment of  true  liberty.  Why  then  should  we  injure 
ourselves  by  taking  part  in  the  ambitious  contests  of 
despots  and  kings  ? 

Should  this  Washingtonian  policy  be  pursued,  our 
country  will  again  rise  to  its  former  greatness  and 
wealth.  Under  the  blessings  of  Providence,  we  may 


then  calculate  on  a long  and  happy  existence  as  a 
nation.  We  may  reasonably  hope,  that  our  chil- 
dren’s children  to  remote  generations  may  be  assem- 
bled together  upon  this  auspicious  day,  blessing  the 
memories  of  the  men  whom  Heaven  intrusted  with 
the  glorious  task,  of  making  a great  nation  freo, 
happy,  and  independent. 


MR.  BUCHANAN  IN  FAVOR  OF  SEIZING  CUBA, 

THE  OSTEND  MANIFESTO. 


By  a dispatch  dated  at  Washington,  on  August 
16th,  1854,  signed  by  the  Secretary  of  State,  Presi- 
dent Pierce  directed  that  Mr.  Buchanan,  then  our 
ambassador  at  London,  Mr.  Mason  at  Paris,  and  Mr. 
Sould  at  Madrid,  would  meet  at  some  convenient 
point  to  confer  about  the  best  means  of  settling  the 
then  pending  difficulties  with  Spain,  and  getting  pos- 
session of  Cuba.  This  Conference  of  the  three  ambas- 
sadors accordingly  met  at  Ostend,  on  the  9th  of  Octo- 
ber, 1854,  and  after  sitting  there  three  days,  adjourned 
to  Aix-la-Chapelle,  where  it  also  sat  for  several  days. 
As  Mr.  Souffi  remarked  in  a dispatch  dated  at  the  latter 
place,  on  October  15,  1854 : “ The  most  cordial  har- 
mony marked  the  progress  of  their  labors,  and  there 
was  not  a single  opinion  expressed  by  the  conference, 
but  which  conveys  the  unanimous  sentiments  of 
the  conferers.” 

He  also  states  in  a another  dispatch  a few  days  later 
that  “ The  issues,  with  reference  to  which  we  were- 
instructed  to  express  our  judgment,  were  of  too  mo- 
mentous an  import  not  to  tax  all  the  discernment 
and  discretion  in  our  power,  and  it  was  with  a deep 
sense  of  solemn  responsibility  that  we  entered  upon 
lie  duties  which  had  been  assigned  to  us.” 

“My  colleagues ” he  also  says,  “have  had  a full 
riew  of  the  difficulties  and  dangers  which  the 
luestion  presents,”  and  with  this  full  view,  and  this 
lolemn  sense  of  responsibility,  the  result  of  their  de- 
iberation  was  embodied  in  the  famous  Ostend  Mani- 
esto,  which  we  proceed  to  give.  We  print  it  as  it 
vas  presented  to  Congress  by  the  President,  and 
mblished  by  the  House  of  Representative  in  Execu- 
ive  Document,  No.  93  of  the  second  session  of  the 
hirty-third  Congress.  Of  this  Manifesto,  it  will 
>e  observed  that  Mr.  Buchanan  is  the  first  signer. 


MR.  BUCHANAN’S  VIEWS  ON  FOREIGN 
POLICY. 

Aix  La  Chapelle,  October  18,  1854. 
_Sm:  The  undersigned,  in  compliance  with  the 
ush  expressed  by  the  President  in  the  several  con- 
dential  dispatches  you  have  addressed  to  us 
Jspectively,  to  that  effect,  have  met  in  conference! 
rst  at  Ostend,  m Belgium,  on  the  9th,  10th.  and  11th 
istant,  and  then  at  Aix  la  Chapelle,  in  Prussia,  on 
i^ays  next  following,  up  to  the  date  hereof. 

There  has  been  a full  and  unreserved  interchange 
f views  and  sentiments  between  us,  which  we  are 


most  happy  to  inform  you  has  resulted  in  a cordial 
coincidence  of  opinion  on  the  grave  and  important 
subjects  submitted  to  our  consideration. 

JBxiy  Cxiba  for  a Slave  State,  if  you  can. 

We  have  arrived  at  the  conclusion,  and  are  tho- 
roughly convinced,  that  an  immediate  and  earnest 
effort  ought  to  be  made  by  the  government  of  the 
United  States  to  purchase  Cuba  from  Spain  at  any 
price  for  which  it  can  be  obtained,  not  exceeding 
the  sum  of  $ . ® 

The  proposal  should,  in  our  opinion,  be  made  in 
such  a manner  as  to  be  presented  through  the  neces- 
sary diplomatic  forms  to  the  Supreme  Constituent 
Cortes  about  to  assemble.  On  this  momentous 
question,  in  which  the  people  both  of  Spain  and  the 
United  States  are  so  deeply  interested,  all  our  pro- 
ceedings ought  to  be  open,  frank,  and  public.  They 
should  be  of  such  a character  as  to  challenge  the 
approbation  of  the  world. 

We  firmly  believe  that,  in  the  progress  of  hnman 
events,  the  time  has  arrived  when  the  vital  interests 
of  Spain  are  as  seriously  involved  in  the  sale,  as  those 
of  United  States  in  the  purchase,  of  the  island, 
and  that  the  transaction  will  prove  equally  honorable 
to  both  nations. 

Under  these  circumstances  we  cannot  anticipate 
ooless  possibly  through  the  malign  inflnence 
ot  foreign  powers  who  possess  no  right  whatever  to 
interfere  in  the  matter. 

We  proceed  to  state  some  of  the  reasons  which 
have  brought  us  to  this  conclusion,  and,  for  the  sake 
ot  clearness,  we  shall  specify  them  under  two  distinct 
•ii0Q<cis  • 

1.  The  United  States  ought,  if  practicable,  to  pur- 
chase Cuba  with  as  little  delay  as  possible. 

2.  The  probability  is  great  that  the  government  and 
Lortes  of  Spam  will  prove  willing  to  sell  it,  because 
thp  would  essentially  promote  the  highest  and  best 
interests  of  the  Spanish  people. 

clear  to  every  reflecting  mind 
that,  from  the  peculiarity  of  its  geographical  position, 
and  the  considerations  attendant  on  it,  Cuba  is  as 
necessary  to  the  North  American  republic  as  any  of 
its  present  members,  and  that  it  belongs  naturally  to 
that  great  family  of  States  of  which  the  Union  is  the 
providential  nursery. 

From  its  locality  it  commands  the  mouth  of  the 
Mississippi,  and  the  immense  and  annually  increasing 
tr^e  which  must  spek  this  avenue  to  the  ocean.  ^ 
On  the  numerous  navigable  streams,  measuring  an 
aggregate  course  of  some  thirty  thousand  miles, 
which  disembogue  themselves  through  this  magnifi- 
cent river  into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  the  increase  ol"  the 
population  within  the  last  ten  years  amounts  to  more 
than  that  of  the  entire  Union  at  the  time  Louisiana 
was  annexed  to  it. 

The  natural  and  main  outlet  to  the  products  of  this 
entire  population,  the  highway  of  their  dii’ect  inter 


» 


6 


course  witli  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific  States,  can 
never  be  secure,  but  must  ever  be  endangered  whilst 
Cuba  is  a dependency  of  a distant  power  in  whose 
possession  it  has  proved  to  be  a source  of  constant 
annovance  and  embarrassment  to  their  interests. 

Indeed,  the  Union  can  never  enjoy  repose,  nor 

ossess  reliable  security  as  long  as  Cuba  is  not  em- 

raced  within  its  boundaries. 

Its  immediate  acquisition  by  our  government  is  of 
paramount  importance,  and  we  cannot  doubt  but 
that  it  is  a consummation  devoutly  to  be  wished  for 
by  its  inhabitants. 

The  intercourse  which  its  proximity  to  our  coasts 
begets  and  encourages  between  them  and  the  citi- 
zen.-; of  the  United  States,  has,  in  the  progress  of 
time,  so  united  their  interests  and  blended  their  for- 
taues,  that  they  now  look  upon  each  other  as  if  they 
were  one  people  and  had  but  one  destiny. 

Considerations  exist  which  render  delay  in  the 
acquisition  of  this  island  exceedingly  dangerous  to 
the  United  States. 

The  system  of  immigration  and  labor  lately  orga- 
nized within  its  limits,  and  the  tyranny  and  oppres- 
sion wTiich  characterize  its  immediate  rulers,  threaten 
an  insurrection  at  every  moment  which  may  result 
in  direful  consequences  to  the  American  people. 

Cuba  has  thus  become  to  us  an  unceasing  danger, 
and  a permanent  cause  of  anxiety  and  alarm. 

But  we  need  not  enlarge  on  these  topics.  It  can 
scarcely  be  apprehended  that  foreign  powers,  in  vio- 
lation of  international  law,  would  interpose  their 
influence  with  Spain  to  prevent  our  acquisition  of 
the  island.  Its  inhabitants  are  now  sufiering  under 
the  worst  of  all  possible  governments,  that  of  abso- 
lute despotism,  delegated  by  a distant  power  to  irre- 
spon.sihie  agents,  who  are  changed  at  short  intervals, 
and  who  are  tempted  to  improve  the  brief  opportu- 
nity thus  afforded  to  accumulate  fortunes  by  the 
basest  means. 

As  long  as  this  system  shall  endure,  humanity  may 
in  vain  c’.3mand  the  suppression  of  the  African  slave 
trade  in  the  island.  This  is  rendered  impossible 
whilst  that  infamous  trafiic  remains  an  irresistible 
temptation  and  a source  of  immense  profit  to  needy 
and  avaricious  officials,  who,  to  attain  their  ends, 
scruple  not  to  trample  the  most  sacred  principles 
under  foot,  . 

The  Spanish  government  at  home  may  be  well  dis- 
posed, but  experience  has  proved  that  it  cannot  con- 
trol these  remote  depositaries  of  its  power. 

Besides,  the  commercial  nations  of  the  world  can- 
aoc  fail  to  perceive  and  appreciate  the  great  advan- 
tages which  would  result  to  their  people  from  a dis- 
«cUUiou  of  the  forced  and  unnatural  connexion  be- 
tween Spain  and  Cuba,  and  the  annexation  of  the 
latter  to  the  United  States.  The  trade  of  England 
and  France  with  Cuba  would,  in  that  event,  assume 
at  once  an  important  and  profitable  character,  and 
rapidly  extend  with  the  increasing  population  and 
prosperity  of  the  island. 

2.  But  if  the  United  States  and  every  commercial 
nation  would  be  benefited  by  this  ti-ansfer,  the  inter- 
ests of  Spain  would  also  be  greatly  and  essentially 
promoted. 

She  cannot  but  see  what  such  a sura  of  money  as 
we  are  willing  to  pay  for  the  island  would  effect  in 
the  development  of  her  vast  natural  resources. 

Tvvo-thirds  of  this  sum,  if  employed  in  the  con- 
struction of  a system  of  railroads,  wouid  ultimately 
prove  a source*  of  greater  wealth  to  the  Spanish 
people  th.in  that  opened  to  their  vi.-iion  by  Cortez. 
Their  pro.^,'erity  would  date  from  the  ratification  of 
ilio  treaty  oj  cession. 

Prance  has  already  constructed  continuous  lines  of 
railways  from  Havre,  Marseilles,  Valenciennes,  and 
Strasbourg,  via  Paris,  to  the  Spanish  frontier,  and 
anxionsly  awaits  the  day  when  Spain  shall  find  herself 
In  a condition  to  extend  these  roads  through  her 


northern  provinces  to  Madrid,  SfeviUe,  Cadiz,  Malaga 
and  the  frontiers  of  Portugal. 

This  object  once  accomphshed,  Spain  would  become 
a centre  of  attraction  for  the  travelling,  and  secure 
a permanent  and  profitable  market  for  her  various 
productions.  Her  fields,  under  the  stimulus  given  to 
industry  by  remunerating  prices,  would  teem  w,ith 
cereal  grain,'  and  her  vineyards  would  bring  forth  a 
vastly  increased  quantity  of  choice  wines.  Spain 
would  speedily  become  what  a bountiful  Providence 
intended  she  should  be,  one  of  the  first  nations  of 
Continental  Europe — rich,  powerful,  and  contented. 

Whilst  two-thirds  of  the  price  of  the  island  would 
be  ample  for  the  completion  of  her  most  important 
public  improvements,  she  might,  with  the  remaining 
forty  milhons,  satisfy  the  demands  now  pressing  so 
heavily  upon  her  credit,  and  create  a sinking  fund 
which  would  gradually  relieve  her  from  the  over- 
whelming debt  now  paralyzing  her  energies. 

Such  is  her  present  wretched  financial  condition, 
that  her  best  bonds  are  sold  upon  her  own  Bourse  at 
about  one-third  of  their  par  value  ; whilst  another 
class,  on  which  she  pays  no  interest,  have  but  a nom- 
inal value,  and  are  quoted  at  about  one  sixth  the 
amount  for  which  they  were  issued.  Besides,  these 
latter  are  held  principally  by  British  creditors  who 
may,  from  day  to  day,  obtain  the  effective  interpo- 
sition of  their  own  government  for  the  purpose  of 
coercing  payment.  Intimations  to  that  effect  have 
been  already  thrown  out  from  high  quarters,  and 
unless  seme  new  source  of  revenue  shall  enable 
Spain  to  provide  for  such  exigencies,  it  is  not  im- 
probable that  they  may  be  realized. 

Should  Spain  reject  the  present  golden  opportun- 
ity for  developing  her  resources,  and  removing  her 
financial  embarrassments,  it  may  never  again  return. 

Cuba,  in  its  palmiest  days,  never  yielded  her  Ex- 
chequer, after  deducting  the  expenses  of  its  govern- 
ment, a clear  annual  income  of  more  than  a million 
and  a half  of  dollars.  These  expenses  have  increased 
to  such  a degree  as  to  leave  a deficit  chargeable  on 
the  Treasury  of  Spain  to  the  amount  of  six  hundred 
thousand  dollars. 

In  a pecuniary  point  of  view,  therefore,  the  island 
is  an  incumbrance,  instead  of  a source  of  profit,  to 
the  mother  country. 

Under  no  probable  circumstances  can  Cuba  ever 
yield  to  Spain  one  per  cent,  on  the  large  amount 
which  the  United  States  are  willing  to  pay  for  its  ac- 
q^uisition.  But  Spain  is  in  imminent  danger  of  losing 
Cuba,  without  remuneration. 

Extreme  oppression,  it  is  now  universally  admitted, 
justifies  any  people  in  endeavoring  to  relieve  them-* 
selves  from  the  yoke  of  their  oppressors.  The  suf- 
ferings which  the  corrupt,  arbiti-ary  and  unrelenting 
local  administration  necessarily  entails  upon  the  in- 
habitants of  Cuba,  cannot  fail  to  stimulate  and  keep 
alive  that  spirit  of  resistance  and  revolution  against 
Spain,  which  has  of  late  years  been  so  often  mani- 
fested. In  this  condition  of  affairs  it  is  vain  to  ex- 
pect that  the  sympathies  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States  will  not  be  warmly  enlisted  in  favor  of  their 
oppressed  neighbors. 

We  know  that  the  President  is  justly  inflexible  in 
his  determination  to  execute  the  neutrality  laws  ; 
but  should  the  Cubans  themselves  rise  in  revolt 
against  the  oppression  which  they  sutfer,  no  human 
power  could  prevent  citizens  of  the  United  States 
and  liberal  minded  men  of  other  countries  from 
rushing  to  their  assistance.  Besides,  the  present 
is  an  age  of  adventure,  in  which  restless  and  daring 
spirits  abound  in  every  portion  of  the  world. 

It  is  not  improbable  therefore,  that  Cuba  may  be 
wrested  from  Spain  by  a successful  revolution  ; and 
in  that  event  she  will  lose  both  the  island  and  the 
price  which  we  are  now  willing  to  pay  for  it — a price 
far  beyond  what  was  ever  paid  by  one  people  to  an 
other  for  any  province. 


7 


It  may  also  be  remarked  that  the  settlement  of 
tis  vexed  question  by  the  cession  of  Cuba  to  the 
United  States,  would  forever  prevent  the  dangerous 
iomplications  between  nations,  to  which  it  may 
otherwise  give  birth. 

It  is  certain  that,  should  the  Cubans  themselves 
organize  an  insurrection  against  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment, and  should  other  independent  nations  come  to 
the  aid  of  Spain  in  the  contest,  no  human  power 
could,  in  our  opinion,  prevent  the  people  and  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  from  taking  part  in  such  a 
«ivil  war  in  support  of  their  neighbors  and  friends. 


If  you  carCt  buy  Oaba^  steal  it. 

But  if  Spain,  dead  to  the  voice  of  her  own  interest, 
and  actuated  by  stubborn  pride  and  a false  sense  of 
honor,  should  refuse  to  sell  Cuba  to  the  United 
States,  then  the  question  will  arise.  What  ought  to 
be  the  course  of  the  American  government  under 
such  circumstances  ? 

Self-preservation  is  the  first  law  of  nature,  with 
States  as  well  as  with  individuals.  All  nations  have, 
at  diflerent  periods,  acted  upon  this  maxim.  Al- 
though it  has  been  made  the  pretext  for  committing 
flagrant  injustice,  as  in  the  partition  of  Poland  and 
wther  similar  cases  which  history  records,  yet  the 
principle  itself,  though  often  abused,  has  always 
been  recognized. 

The  United  States  have  never  acquired  a foot  of 
territory  except  by  fair  purchase,  or,  as  in  the  case  of 
Texas,  upon  the  free  and  voluntary  application  of 
the  people  of  that  independent  State,  who  desired 
to  blend  their  destinies  with  our  own. 

Even  our  acquisitions  from  Mexico  are  no  excep- 
tion to  this  rule,  because,  although  we  might  have 
claimed  them  by  the  right  of  conquest  in  a just  war, 
yet  we  purchased  them  for  what  was  then  considered 
by  both  parties  a full  and  ample  equivalent. 

Our  past  history  forbids  that  we  should  acquire  the 
island  of  Cuba  without  the  consent  of  Spain,  unless 
justified  by  the  great  law  of  self-preservation.  We 
must,  in  any  event,  preserve  our  own  conscious  rec- 
titude and  our  own  self-respect. 

Whilst  pursuing  this  -course  we  can  afford  to  dis- 
regard the  censures  of  the  world,  to  which  we  have 
been  so  often  and  so  unjustly  exposed. 

After  we  shall  have  offered  Spain  a price  for  Cuba 
far  beyond  its  present  value,  and  this  shall  have  been 
refused,  it  will  then  be  time  to  consider  the  question, 
does  Cuba,  in  the  possession  of  Spain,  seriously  en- 
danger our  internal  peace  and  the  existence  of  our 
cherishe  d Uni  on  ? 


Mr.  Buchanan  on  national  morality. 

Should  this  question  be  answered  in  the  affirmative, 
then,  by  every  law,  human  and  divine,  we  shall  be 


justified  in  wresting  it  from  Spain  if  we  possess  the 
power;  and  this  upon  the  very  same  principle  that 
would  justify  an  individual  in  tearing  down  the  burn- 
ing house  of  his  neighbor  if  there  were  no  other 
means  of  preventing  the  flames  from  destroying  his 
own  home. 

Under  such  circumstances  we  ought  neither  to 
count  the  cost  nor  regard  the  odds  which  Spain  might 
enlist  against  us.  We  forbear  to  enter  into  the  ques- 
tion, whether  the  present  condition  of  the  island 
would  justify  such  a measure?  We  should,  however, 
be  recreant  to  our  duty,  be  unworthy  of  our  gallant 
forefathers,  and  commit  base  treason  against  our 
posterity,  should  we  permit  Cuba  to  be  Mricanized 
and  become  a second  St.  Domingo,  with  all  its  atten- 
dant horrors  to  the  white  race,  and  suffer  the  flames 
to  extend  to  our  own  neighboring  shores,  seriously  to 
endanger  or  actually  to  consume  the  fair  fabric  of 
our  Union. 

We  fear  that  the  course  and  current  of  events  are 
rapidly  tending  towards  such  a catastrophe.  We, 
however,  hope  for  the  best,  though  we  ought  cer- 
tainly to  be  prepared  for  the  worst. 

We  also  forbear  to  investigate  the  present  condi- 
tion of  the  questions  at  issue  between  the  United 
States  and  Spain.  A long  series  of  injuries  to  our 
people  have  been  committed  in  Cuba  by  Spanish 
officials  and  are  unredressed.  But  recently  a most 
flagrant  outrage  on  the  rights  of  American  citizens 
and  on  the  flag  of  the  United  States  was  perpetrated 
in  the  harbor  of  Havana  under  circumstances  which, 
without  immediate  redress,  would  have  justified  a 
resort  to  measures  of  war  in  vindication  of  national 
honor.  That  outrage  is  not  only  unatoned,  but 
the  Spanish  government  has  deliberately  sanctioned 
the  acts  of  its  subordinates  and  assumed  the  respon- 
sibility attaching  to  them. 

Nothing  could  more  impressively  teach  us  the  dan- 
ger to  which  those  peaceful  relations  it  has  ever  been 
the  policy  of  the  United  States  to  cherish  with  for- 
eign nations  are  constantly  exposed  than  the  circum- 
stances of  that  case.  Situated  as  Spain  and  the 
United  States  are,  the  latter  have  forborne  to  resort 
to  extreme  measures. 

But  this  course  cannot,  with  due  regard  to  their 
own  dignity  as  an  independent  nation,  continue ; and 
our  recommendations,  now  submitted,  are  dictated 
by  the  firm  belief  that  the  cession  of  Cuba  to  the 
United  States,  with  stipulations  as  beneficial  to  Spain 
as  those  suggested,  is  the  only  effective  mode  of  set- 
tling all  past  differences  and  of  securing  the  two 
eountries  against  future  coUisio'ns. 

We  have  already  witnessed  the  happy  results  for 
both  countries  which  followed  a similar  arrangement 
in  regard  to  Florida. 

Yours,  very  respectfully, 

James  Buchanan. 

J.  Y.  Mason. 

PlERBE  SOULB. 

Hon.  Wm.  L.  Marcy,  Secretary  of  State. 


THE  BUCHANAN  CINCINNATI  PLATFORM, 


ADOPTED  MAT  22,  1866. 


Resolved^  That  the  American  Democracy  place  their 
trust  in  the  intelligence,  the  patriotism,  and  the  dis- 
criminating justice  of  the  American  people. 

Resolved^  That  we  regard  this  as  a distinctive  fea- 
ture of  our  political  creed,  which  we  are  proud  to 
maintain  before  the  world  as  a great  moral  element 
in  a form  of  government  springing  from  and  upheld 
by  the  popular  will ; and  we  contrast  it  with  the 


creed  and  practice  of  Federalism,  under  whatever 
name  or  form,  which  seeks  to  palsy  the  will  of  the 
constituent,  and  which  conceives  no  imposture  too 
monstrous  for  the  popular  credulity. 

Resolved,  therefore.  That  entertaining  these  views, 
the  Democratic  party  of  this  Union,  through  their  de- 
legates, assembled  in  general  Convention,  coming  to- 
gether in  a spirit  of  concord,  of  devotion  to  the  doo- 


8 


trines  and  faith  of  a free  representative  government, , 
and  appealing  to  their  fellow-citizens  for  the  rectitude 
of  their  intentions,  renew  and  reassert  before  the 
American  people,  the  declarations  of  principles  avow- 
ed by  them,  when,  on  former  occasions,  in  general 
Convention,  they  have  presented  their  candidates  for 
the  popular  suffrage. 

1.  That  the  Federal  Government  is  one  of  limited 
power,  derived  solely  from  the  Constitution,  and  the 
grants  of  power  made  therein  ought  to  be  strictly 
construed  by  all  the  departments  and  agents  of  the 
government,  and  that  it  is  inexpedient  and  danger- 
ous to  exercise  doubtful  constitutional  powers. 

2.  That  the  Constitution  does  not  confer  upon  the 
General  Government  the  power  to  commence  and 
carry  on  a general  system  of  internal  improvements. 

3.  That  the  Constitution  does  not  confer  authority 
upon  the  Federal  Government,  directly  or  indirectly, 
to  assume  the  debts  of  the  several  States,  contracted 
for  local  and  internal  improvements,  or  other  State 
purposes,  nor  would  such  assumption  be  just  or  ex- 
pedient. 

4.  That  justice  and  sound  policy  forbid  the  Federal 
Government  to  foster  one  branch  of  industry  to  the 
detriment  of  another,  or  to  cherish  the  interests  of 
one  portion  of  our  common  country;  that  every 
citizen  and  every  section  of  the  country  has  a right 
to  demand  and  insist  upon  an  equality  of  rights  and 
privileges,  and  a complete  and  ample  protection  of 

?)erson8  and  property  from  -domestic  violence  and 
breign  aggression. 

6.  That  it  is  the  duty  of  every  branch  of  the  Gov- 
ernment to  enforce  and  practice  the  most  rigid  eco- 
nomy in  conducting  our  public  alfairs,  and  that  no 
more  revenue  ought  to  be  raised  than  is  required  to 
defray  the  necessary  expenses  of  the  government, 
and  gradual  but  certain  extinction  of  the  public  debt. 

6.  That  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lauds  ought  to 
be  sacredly  applied  to  the  national  objects  specified 
in  the  Constitution,  and  that  we  are  opposed  to  any 
law  for  the  distribution  of  such  proceeds  among  the 
States,  as  alike  inexpedient  in  policy  and  repugnant 
to  the  Constitution. 

7.  That  Congress  has  no  power  to  charter  a Na- 
tional Bank  ; that  we  believe  such  an  institution  one 
of  deadly  hostility  to  the  best  interests  of  this 
country,  dangerous  to  our  republican  institutions  and 
the  liberties  of  the  people,  and  calculated  to  place 
the  business  of  the  country  within  the  control  of  a 
consecrated  money  power  and  above  the  laws  and 
will  of  the  people ; and  the  results  of  the  Democra- 
tic legislation  in  this  and  all  other  financial  measures 
upon  which  issues  have  been  made  between  the  two 
political  parties  of  the  country,  have  demonstrated 
to  candid  and  practical  men  of  all  parties  their 
soundness,  safety  and  utility  in  all  business  pur- 
suits. 

8.  That  the  separation  of  the  moneys  of  the  Gov- 
ernment from  banking  institutions  is  indispensable  to 
the  safety  of  the  funds  of  the  Government  and  the 
rights  of  the  people. 

9.  That  we  are  decidedly  opposed  to  taking  from 
the  President  the  qualified  Veto  power,  by  which  he 
is  enabled,  under  restrictions  and  responsibilities 
amply  sufficient  to  guard  the  public  interests,  to  sus- 
pend the  passage  of  a bill  whose  merits  cannot  se- 
cure the  approval  of  two-thirds  of  the  Senate  and 
Mouse  of  Representatives,  until  the  judgment  of  the 
people  can  be  obtained  thereon,  and  which  has  saved 
the  American  people  from  the  corrupt  and  tyranni- 
cal dominion  of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  and 
from  a corrupting  system  of  general  internal  im- 
provements. 

10.  That  the  liberal  principles  embodied  by  Jeffer- 
son in  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  sanc- 
tioned in  tne  Constitution,  which  makes  ours  the  land 
of  liberty  and  the  asylum  of  the  oppressed  of  every 
nation,  have  ever  been  cardinal  principles  in  the 


I Democratic  faith;  and  every  attempt  to  abridge  the 
privilege  of  becoming  citizens  and  the  owners  of  soil 
among  us  ought  to  be  resisted  with  the  same  spirit 
which  swept  the  alien  and  sedition  laws  from  our 
statute  books. 

And  whereas^  Since  the  foregoing  declaration  was 
uniformly  adopted  by  oiu-  predecessors  in  National 
Convention,  an  adverse  political  and  religious  tet-t 
has  been  secretly  organized  by  a party  claiming  to 
be  exclusively  Americans,  and  it  is  proper  that  the 
American  Democracy  should  clearly  define  its  rela- 
tions thereto  ; and  declare  its  determined  opposition 
to  aU  secret  political  societies,  by  whatever  name 
they  may  be  called. 

Resolved^  That  the  foundation  of  this  Union  of*  ^ 
States  having  been  laid  in,  and  its  prosperity,  ex- 
pansion, and  pre-eminent  example  in  free  govern- 
ment built  upon,  entire  freedom  of  matters  of  relig- 
ious concernment,  and  no  respect  of  persons  in 
regard  to  rank,  or  place  of  birth,  no  party  can  justly 
be  deemed  national,  constitutional,  or  in  accordance 
with  American  principles,  which  bases  its  exclusive 
organization  upon  religious  opinions  and  accidental 
birth-place.  And  hence  a political  crusade  in  the 
nineteenth  century,  and  in  the  United  States  of 
America,  against  Catholics  and  foreign  - born  is 
neither  justified  by  the  past  history  or  future  pros- 
pects of  the  country,  nor  in  unison  with  the^spirit 
of  toleration,  and  enlightened  freedom  which  pecu- 
liarly distinguishes  the  American  system  of  popular 
government. 

Resolved,  That  we  reiterate  with  renewed  energy 
of  purpose  the  well  considered  declarations  of  farmer 
conventions  upon  the  sectional  issue  of  domestic 
slavery  and  concerning  the  reserved  rights  of  the 
States — 

1.  That  Congress  has  no  power  under  the  Consti- 
tution to  interfere  with  or  conti’ol  the  domestic  in- 
stitutions of  the  several  States,  and  that  all  such 
States  are  the  sole  and  proper  judges  of  everything 
appertaining  to  their  own  affairs  not  prohibited  by 
the  Constitution ; that  all  efforts  of  the  Abolitionists 
or  others  made  to  induce  Congress  to  interfere  with 
questions  of  slavery,  or  to  take  incipient  steps  in  re- 
lation thereto,  are  calculated  to  lead  to  the  most 
alarming  and  dangerous  consequences,  and  that  all 
such  effbrts  have  an  inevitable  tendency  to  diminish 
the  happiness  of  the  people  and  endanger  the  stabi- 
lity and  permanency  of  the  Union,  and  ought  not  to 
be  countenanced  by  any  friend  of  our  political  in- 
stitutions. 

2.  That  the  foregoing  proposition  covers  and  was 
intended  to  embrace  the  whole  subject  of  slavery 
agitation  in  Congress,  and  therefore  the  Democratic 
party  of  the  Union,  standing  on  this  national  plat- 
form, will  abide  by  and  adhere  to  a faithful  execution 
of  the  acts  known  as  the  compromise  measures,  set- 
tled by  the  Congress  of  1850 : “ the  act  for  reclaim- 
ing fugitives  from  service  or  labor  included  ;”  which 
act  being  designed  to  carry  out  an  express  provision 
of  the  Constitution,  cannot,  with  fidelity  thereto,  be 
repealed,  or  so  changed  as  to  destroy  or  impair  its 
efficiency. 

3.  That  the  Democratic  party  will  resist  all  at- 
tempts at  renewing  in  Congress,  or  out  of  it,  th-^ 
agitation  of  the  slavery  question,  under  whatever 
shape  or  color  the  attempt  may  be  made. 

4.  That  the  Democratic  party  will  faithfully  abide 
by  and  uphold  the  principles  laid  down  in  the  Ken- 
tucky and  Virginia  resolutions  of  1792  and  1798,  and 
in  the  report  of  Mr.  Madison  to  the  Virginia  Legis- 
lature in  1799 — that  it  adopts  these  principles  as  con- 
stituting one  of  the  main  foundations  of  its  political 
creed,  and  is  resolved  to  carry  them  out  in  their  ob- 
vious meaning  an  l import. 

And  that  we  may  more  distinctly  meet  the  issue  on 
which  a sectional  party,  subsisting  exclusively  on 
slavery  agitation,  now  relies  to  test  the  fidelity  of  the 


9 


people.  North  and  South,  to  the  Constitution  and  the 
(Juion — 

1.  Resolved^  That  claiming  fellowship  with  and  de- 
siring the  co-operation  of  all  who  regard  the  preser- 
vation c)f  the  Union  under  the  Constitution  as  the 
paramount  issue,  and  repudiating  all  sectional  parties 
and  platforms  concerning  domestic  slavery,  which 
seek  to  embroil  the  States  and  incite  to  treason  and 
armed  resistance  to  law  in  the  territories,  and  whose 
avowed  purpose,  if  consummated,  must  end  in  civil 
war  and  disunion,  the  American  Democracy  recognize 
and  adopt  the  principles  contained  in  the  organic 
laws  establishing  the  territories  of  Nebraska  and 
Kansas,  as  embodying  the  duly  sound  and  safe  solu- 
tion of  the  slavery  question,  upon  which  the  great 
national  idea  of  the  people  of  this  whole  country  can 
repose  in  its  determined  conservation  of  the  Union, 
and  non-interference  of  Congress  with  slavery  in  the 
territories  or  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 

2.  That  this  was  the  basis  of  the  compromises  - of 
1850,  confirmed  by  both  the  Democratic  and  Whig 
parties  in  National  Conventions  ratified  by  the  peo- 
ple in  the  election  of  1852,  and  rightly  applied  to  the 
organization  of  the  territories  in  1854. 

3.  That  by  the  uniform  application  of  the  Demo- 
cratic principle  to  the  organization  of  territories,  and 
the  admission  of  new  States,  with  or  without  domes- 
tic slavery  as  they  may  elect,  the  equal  rights  of  all 
the  States  will  be  preserved  intact, •the  original  com- 
pacts of  the  Constitution  maintained  inviolate,  and 
the  perpetuity  and  .expansion  of  the  Union  insured 
to  its  utmost  capacity  of  embracing,  .in  peace  and 
harmony,  every  future  American  State  that  may  be 
constituted  or  annexed  with  a republican  form  of 
government. 

Resolved^  That  we  recognize  the  right  of  the  peo- 
ple of  all  the  territories,  including  Kansas  and  Ne- 
braska, acting  through  the  legally  and  fairly  express- 
ed will  of  the  majority  of  the  actual  residents,  and 
whenever  the  number  of  their  inhabitants  justifies  it, 
to  form  a Constitution,  with  or  without  domestic 
slavery,  and  be  admitted  into  the  Union  upon  terms 
of  perfect  equality  with  the  other  States. 

Resolved^  finally^  That,  in  view  of  the  condition  of 
the  popular  institutions  in  the  old  world  (and  the 
dangerous  tendencies  of  sectional  agitation,  combin- 
ed with  the  attempt  to  enforce  civil  and  religious  dis- 
abilities against  the  rights  of  acquiring  and  enjoying 
citizenship  in  our  own  land),  a high  and  sacred  duty 
is  involved  with  increased  responsibility  upon  the 
Democratic  party  of  this  country,  as  the  party  of  the 
Union,  to  uphold  and  maintain  the  rights  of  every 
State,  and  thereby  the  union  of  the  States — and  to 
sustain  and  advance  among  us  constitutional  liberty, 
by  continuing  to  resist  all  monopolies  and  exclusive 
legislation  for  the  benefit  of  the  few  at  the  expense 
of  the  many,  and  by  a vigilant  and  constant  adher- 
ence to  those  principles  and  compromises  of  the 
Constitution — which  are  broad  enough  and -strong 
enough  to  embrace  and  uphold  the  Union  as  it  was, 
the  Union  as  it  is,  and  the  Union  as  it  shall  be — in  the 
full  expression  of  the  energies  and  capacity  of  this 
great  and  progressive  people. 

1.  Resolved^  That  there  are  questions  connected 
with  the  foreign  policy  of  this  country  which  are  in- 
ferior to  no  domestic  question  whatever.  The  time 
has  come  for  the  people  of  the  United  States  to  de- 
clare themselves  in  favor  of  free  seas,  and  progress- 
ive free  trade  throughout  the  world,  and,  by  solemn 
manifestations  to  place  their  moral  influence  at  the 
side  of  their  successful  example. 

2.  Resolved^  That  our  geographical  and  political 
position  with  reference  to  the  other  States  of  this 
continent,  no  leas  than  the  interest  of  our  commerce 
and  the  development  of  our  growing  power,  requires 
that  we  should  hold  sacred  the  principles  involved  in 
the  Monroe  doctrine.  Their  bearing  and  import  ad- 


mit of  no  misconstruction,  and  should  be  applied 
with  unbending  rigidity. 

5.  Resolved.,  That  the  great  highway,  which  nature 
as  well  as  the  assent  of  States  most  immediately  in- 
terested in  its  maintenance,  has  marked  out  for  free 
communication  between  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific 
Oceans,  constitutes  one  of  the  most  important 
achievements  realized  by  the  spirit  of  modern  times, 
in  the  unconquerable  energy  of  our  people ; and 
that  result  would  be  secured  by  a timely  and  efficient 
exertion  of  the  control  which  we  have  the  right  to 
claim  over  it,  and  no  power  on  earth  should  be  suf- 
fered to  impede  or  clog  its  progress  by  any  interfer- 
ence with  relations  that  it  may  suit  our  policy  to 
establish  between  our  government  and  the  govern- 
ment of  the  States  within  whose  dominions  it  lies  : 
we  can  under  no  circumstances  surrender  our  pre- 
ponderance in  the  adjustment  of  all  questions  arising 
out  of  it. 

4.  Resolved,  That  in  view  of  so  commanding  an  in- 
terest the  people  of  the  United  States  cannot  but 
sympathize  witn  the  efforts  which  are  being  made  by 
the  people  of  Central  America  to  regenerate  that, 
portion  of  the  continent  which  covers  the  passage 
across  the  inter- oceanic  isthmus. 

6.  Resolved,  That  the  Democratic  party  will  ex- 
pect of  the  next  Administration  that  every  proper 
effort  be  made  to  ensure  our  ascendency  in  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico,  and  to  maintain  permanent  protection  to 
the  great  outlets  through  which  are  emptied  into 
its  waters  the  products  raised  out  of  the  soil  and 
the  commodities  created  by  the  industry  of  the  people 
of  our  western  valleys  and  of  the  Union  at  large. 


ME.  BUCHANAN  ON  THE  ABOVE  PLATFORLI. 

He  reneninces  his  Identity. 

On  June  9, 1856,  the  Keystone  Club,  having 
heard  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Cincinnati 
Convention,  went  to  see  Mr.  Buchanan  at  his 
house  at  Lancaster,  Pa.,  when  lie  delivereil 
the  following  speech,  declaring  that  he  no 
longer  regarded  himself  as  James  Buchanan, 
but  as  the  embodiment  of  the  platform  erect- 
ed by  that  Convention : 

“ Gentlemen  of  the  Keystone  Club  ! — T give  vou  a 
most  hearty  and  warm  welcome  to  my  abode,  f con- 
gratulate you,  not  upon  my  nomination,  but  upon 
the  glorious  privilege  of  being  citizens  of  our  great 
Republic.  Your  superiority  over  the  people  of  other 
countries,  has  been  fully  demonstrated,  by  the  con- 
duct of  a vast  concourse  assembled  during  the  past 
week  at  Cincinnati.  Upon  any  similar  occasion  in 
Europe,  the  voluntary  expression  of  the  people 
would  have  been  drowned  in  martial  music,  and 
their  actions  controlled  by  an  army  with  banners. 
How  unlike  the  spectacle  at  Cincinnat-  vhere  dele- 
gates from  the  people  of  the  different  Awtes  met  in 
Convention,  under  protection  of  the  Constitution 
and  Laws,  and  harmoniously  deliberated  upon  sub- 
jects of  vital  importance  to  the  country.  Gentlemen, 
two  weeks  since.  I should  have  made  you  a longer 
speech,  but  now  I have  been  placed  upon  a platform 
of  which  I most  heartily  approve,  and  that  can  speak 
for  me.  Being  the  representative  of  the  great  Dem- 
ocratic party,  and  not  simply  James  Buchanan,  I must 
square  my  conduct  according  to  the  platform  of  that 
party,  and  insert  no  new  plank,  nor  take  one  frdm 
it.  That  platform  is  sufficiently  broad  and  national 
for  the  whole  Democratic  party.  This  glorious  party, 
now  more  than  ever,  has  demonstrated  that  it  is  tho 
true  conservative  party  of  the  Constitution  and  of 
the  Union.” 


10 


A VIRGINIA  VIEW 


OF  MR.  BUCHANAN 


SPEECH  OP  GOVERNOR  H.  A.  WISE,  AT  EICHIIOND,  JUNE  13,  1856. 


Mr.  Wi3K  said,  that  he  presumed  there  was  no  man  in 
the  country  who  could  more  cordially  say  that  he  con- 
curred in  the  nominations  of  the  Cincinnati  convention 
than  he  did.  He  ratified  them  with  all  his  heart,  and 
would  support  them  in  the  canvass  might  and  main.  He 
was  especially  glad  to  meet  his  old  friend,  the  Hon.  Bed- 
ford Brown,  of  the  good  old  State  of  North  Carolina,  here, 
and  to  hear  him,  and  to  have  the  opportunity  of  sending  a 
message  by  him  to  the  democracy  of  Raleigh.  He  had 
seen  it  reported  in  the  papers  that  at  the  ratification  meet- 
ing in  that  city,  some  one  had  asked  how  it  happened  that 
the  nominations  were  made?  Why  had  Virginia  separated 
herself  from  the  other  Southern  States  f The  reply  was.  It 
was  a Wise  movement.  The  democracy  there,  he  was  hap- 
py to  learn,  were  then  satisfied,  if  it  was  a Wise  movement. 
He  knew  not  in  which  sense  to  take  the  interrogatory  and 
the  reply.  But  if  it  was  meant  to  inquire,  whether  he 
(Wise,)  did  it,  he  had  to  say  that  he  gladly  took  the  res- 
ponsibility of  it.  If  there  was  any  wrong  in  it,  he  would 
readily  _un  the  risk,  without  looking  to  any  reward  what- 
ever for  the  service  undoubtedly  rendered  to  the  country. 

Buchanan  Nominated  by  Virginia. 

But  he  preferred  not  to  play  with  the  question  and  the  an- 
swer, and  to  give  them  a more  significant  and  important 
meaning,  than  any  personal  application  to  himself  could 
have.  It  was  a movement  wise  and  politic  in  itself.  It 
was  the  very  wisest  and  best  for  all  the  country  which  could 
have  been  made,  and,  therefore,  Virginia  had  promoted  it, 
and  did  not  separate  from  herself  in  doing  so.  He  cordial- 
ly ratified  the  nomination  of  James  Buchanan — 

1st.  Because  it  was  due  to  the  man. 

2d.  Because  it  was  due  to  Pennsylvania. 

8d.  Because  it  was  the  safest,  soundest,  most  sanitary 
and  conservative  movement  which  could  have  been  made 
in  reference  to  the  condition  of  the  country. 

4th.  Because  it  was,  beyond  doubt  or  question,  the  over- 
whelming voice  of  Virginia,  united  with  the  great  central 
States,  without  regard  to  sections  of  North  or  South. 

For  these  four  reasons,  any  one  of  which  was  sufficient, 
he  had  gone  for  the  nomination,  and  now  heartily  con- 
firmed it.  He  said  it  was  due  to  the  man.  WIio  is  James 
Buchanan?  He  has  no  military  pretensions — he  is  no 
Cajsar,  with  a Senate  at  his  heels — he  never  set  a squadron 
in  the  field,  nor  wears  he  a sword  to  throw  it  in  the  scale 
to  make  it  kick  the  beam  I He  is  simply  that  which  is  ex- 
pressed by  the  word  most  precious  to  republicanism — a 
plain,  unpretending,  but  sound,  safe,  conservative  citiaen. 
Civil  in  every  sense,  he  is  a civilian ; a statesman  of  train- 
ing, of  age,  of  experience  in  public  affairs,  prudent,  cau- 
tious, honest,  patriotic,  able,  and  has  rendered  the  country 
not  some,  but  much  service.  He  has  especially  rendered 
this  State  and  the  South  the  service  of  that  sacred  regard 
to  the  Constitution  which  protects  property  and  persons, 
and  maintains  State  Sovereignty  and  State  equality— the 
only  policy  which  can  guard  the  Union.  A man  of  sound 
morals,  he  has  conserved  himself,  and  kept  his  faculties  so 
well  by  a virtuous  life,  that  he,  now  at  the  age  of  sixty-five, 
has  many  years  of  service  still  in  him.  Though  his  head 
be  white  as  snow — full  of  years  and  full  of  honors — he  is 
yet  vigorous  in  mind  and  body,  and  is  a man  of  Herculean 
labor.  Here  Mr.  Wise  paused,  and  apostrophised  the  men 
of  the  heroic  age  of  the  Revolution,  and  those  who  immedi- 
ately succeeded  them,  and  were  Imbued  with  their  spirit. 
He  said  James  Buchanan  was  about  the  last  link  to  that 
line  of  sages  who  had  settled  our  system,  and  secured  by 
their  virtue  and  wisdom  the  liberties  of  our  free  institu- 
tions ; who  could,  in  the  course  of  nature,  be  made  to  serve 
in  the  highest  office,  and  set  a last  example  of  the  men  of 
old  to  guide  us.  We  should  not  lose  his  le.ssons,  derived 
from  personal  contact  with  their  wisdom  and  patriotism. 

Always  Faithful  to  Slavery. 

n*  was  truly  of  the  order  of  the  Roman  Cato — or  greater 
still,  the  Virginia  .Madison  of  the  better  times  of  the  repub- 
.lic.  Venerable  with  age  and  sobered  by  experience,  he 
would  cornmaud  the  confidence  and  respect  of  every  con- 
iervative  man  who  venerated  the  past,  duch  is  the  man. 


and  his  services  rendered  are  the  best  vouchers  and  cre- 
dentials of  his  vigor  and  his  merit,  and  of  the  debt  due  him 
by  Virginia.  He  has  been  especially  faithful  on  the  subject 
of  slavery.  Mr.  Wise  undertook  to  say  that  not  only  no 
man  North,  but  no  man  South  could  show  a better  record 
than  that  of  James  Buchanan  on  that  vexed  and  danger- 
ous question.  He  had  been  arraigned  for  the  imputed 
offence  when  he  was  a mere  boy — a very  youth — of  having 
presided  at  or  attended  a meeting  in  Pennsylvania  which 
denounced  slavery,  and  resolved  in  favor  of  the  Missouri 
compromise.  This  charge  had  been  actively  circulated 
against  him  in  1852,  and  it  so  happened  that  when  Mr.  Bu- 
chanan had  with  his  own  hand,  furnished  him  (Mr.  Wise) 
with  the  irrefragable  evidence  to  show  not  only  that  the  im- 
putation was  false,  but  that  it  was  next  to  impossible  for  it 
to  be  true.  Mr.  Buchanan  had  manifested  his  politics  by 
his  early  adherence  to  the  Madisonian  war  of  1812.  He  had 
shouldered  his  musket  and  marched  to  Baltimore ; and, 
though  it  had  been  derisively  said,  “ he  marched  to  Balti- 
more, and  marched  back  again” — that  was  all  he  did  ; yet, 
that  march  had  shown  the  quo  amimo^  and  that  was  all 
which  patriotism  required.  He  was  as  early  as  1814  in  the 
Pennsylvania  Legislature,  and  there  sustained  the  war  of 
1812,  and  voted  it  supplies.  He  did  not  support  the  Mis- 
souri compromise.  On  the  contrary,  when  he  went  into 
the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  he  was  found  with  the  great  democratic  party  a 
supporter  of  the  great  arch  friend  of  Southern  democracy 
— Andrew  Jackson,  of  Tennessee.  When  the  issue  of  In- 
ccfldiary  publications  arose,  he  voted  to  violate  the  very 
mails  rather  than  permit  the  agitators  of  a Nat  Turner  in- 
surrection to  light  the  fires  of  incendiarism  by  the  Post 
Office.  When  the  Wilmot  proviso  was  Invented  especially 
for  hi,s  destruction  by  a Cameron  faction  in  his  State,  he 
firmly  withstood  an  insidious  contrivance  in  a free  State  to 
undermine  the  tenure  of  slave  property,  and  was  found 
maintaining  the  sovereign  equality  of  slave  States,  when 
others  faltered  and  others  fell  on  that  fatal  issue,  , 

Wlien  the  issue  of  annexation  of  Texas  arose,  he  con- 
tented not  ffimself  by  going  for  a measure  which  would  ad- 
mit a State  “with  or  without  slavery  about  her,”  but  he 
went  “ undlvidedly  and  unspent”  for  a measure  which  ad- 
mitted a State,  a new  State,  not  with  or  without,  but  with 
slavery  already  established  as  her  “peculiar  institution.” 
In  1846,  when  the  issues  were  coming  to  an  issue  of  internal 
strife,  or  separation,  he  did  gs  for  an  extension  of  the  line 
of  the  Missouri  compromise  to  the  Pacific,  and  every  south- 
ern man  went  with  him.  On  that  point  Mr.  Calhoun  him- 
self went  further  north  than  Mr.  Buchanan  went.  He  sub- 
mitted his  amendment  to  the  Oregon  bill,  proposed  that  the 
clause  against  Involuntary  slavery  should  be  the  law  north 
of  the  Line,  if  no  question  should  be  raised  against  slavery 
south  of  the  line.  This  was  in  the  spirit  of  1819  and  ’20. 
They  did  not  propose  that  what  was  constitutional  on  one 
side  of  the  line  should  be  unconstitutional  on  the  other 
side,  but  they  agreed  to  disagree : that  if  no  question  was 
raised  pro-slavery  on  one  side,  none  should  be  raised  con- 
slavery  on  the  other  side.  They  submitted  to  the  law  of 
climate,  that  Jack  Frost  should  reign  north  of  86.80;  and 
Jack  Frost  had  decreed  that  the  “ Ebo  shins  and  gia- 
lard  feet  of  negroes”  should  not  and  could  not  live  in  the 
North — slavery  would  not  be  profitable  there.  It  was  profit- 
able in  the  land  of  sugar  and  cotton,  and  even  of  Virginia 
tobacco  and  corn,  and  Mr.  Buchanan,  with  the  whole  South 
at  his  back,  with  myself  among  others — and  no  one  here  or 
elsewhere  will  say  I am  an  anti-slavery  man — went  to  make 
the  Missouri  line  a “fixed  fact”  to  the  Pacific.  Mr.  Polk 
went  for  that  policy,  and  all  concurred,  except  Mr.  Calhoun, 
in  the  position  that  was  already  a “ fixed  fact” — that  the 
North  was  already  bound  in  good  faith  to  carry  out  the  line 
to  the  Pacific.  But  they  of  the  North  already  reached  the 
Pacific  in  the  Northwest.  We  wanted  territory  in  the  South- 
west to  preserve  the  equilibrium  of  slave  power  in  the  Union. 
This  we  had  acquired  by  the  annexation,  and  its  pro-slavery 
phase  would  have  been  preserved  by  running  the  Missouri 
line  to  the  Pacific.  Mr.  Polk  contended  it  did  so  extend— 
everybody  else,  except  Mr.  Calhoun,  so  contended ; but  in 
spite  of  friend  or  foe  he  offered  his  amendment  to  the  Ore- 
gon bill,  which  conceded  that  it  did  not  so  extend,  and  he — 
not  James  Buchanan — lost  the  value  of  the  extension  to  the 
South.  He  made  it  a geographical  line,  applying  only  to 


li 


territory  acquired  from  France  and  Spain.  Mr.  Buchanan 
and  Polk,  and  myself  and  all  others,  urged  it  over  a cli- 
malory  line,  and  did  run  it  to  the  Pacific.  To  concede  other- 
wise, was  to  put  our  hands  in  the  lion’s  mouth  of  a major- 
ity—was  to  concede  that  we  had  not  the  fixed  fact  of  the 
line  to  the  Pacific — and  was  to  leave  us  to  the  mercy  of  a 
majority  against  us.  We  were  in  a'minorUy,  and  of  course 
would  he  voted  down  without  that  admission.  The  cost  of 
not  running  that  line  to  the  Pacific  may  be  valued  thus  to 

1)1  Favor  of  Raising  the  price  of  Slaves  to  |3,000 
and  $6,U00. 

Virginia; — We  now  get  a thousand  dollars  for  a sound 
slave ; wo  would  then  haTe  gotten  from  three  to  five  thou- 
sand dollars  for  an  operative  in  the  gold  mines  of  Califor- 
nia; four  hundred  thousand  multiplied  by  five  thousand,  or 
even  three  thousand,  will  show  our  immense  loss.  One  bil- 
lion of  dollars  would  not  compensate  Virginia  for  her  loss 
in  not  running  the  line  on  to  the  Pacific.  The  North  had 
fi.xed  the  line.  They  had  the  advantage  of  it  until  annexa- 
tion. It  was  then  our  turn,  and  we  did  not  take  it.  That 
was  not  Mr.  Buchanan’s  fault.  Had  it  so  been  fixed,  “ ebo 
shins  and  gizzard  feet”  true,  couldn’t  have  poked  their 
noses  north  into  the  dominion  of  Jack  Frost,  but  then  free- 
soilism  couldn’t  have  poked  its  nose  south  of  that  line,  as  it 
has  since  the  compromises  of  1S50.  Yet,  though  thus  pro- 
posed by  the  South  and  by  Buchanan,  the  pharisees  and 
hypocrkes  who  are  now  howling  over  the  repeal  of  the  Mis- 
souri compromise  were  the  very  men  to  oppose  the  exten- 
sion of  the  Missouri  line,  and  to  making  it  a fixed  fact. 
Their  reproach  to  Mr.  Buchanan  and  to  the  South  is  equal- 
led only  in  injustice  by  the  reproach  which  some  Southern 
men  have  cast  in  upbraiding  Mr.  Buchanan  for  the  pro- 
posed extension  of  the  line  to  the  Pacific.  The  generous 
and  just  Douglas  has  done  him  justice  in  that  behalf,  and 
has  taken  upon  hitnself  his  commission  of  participation  in 
the  act.  Mr.  Buchanan  was  equally  sound  on  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  bill.  He  was  not  a member  of  Congress  nor  of 
the  Cabinet  when  that  measure  was  proposed  and  passed. 

Sound  on  the  Nebraska  Bill. 

He  didn’t  know  that  Mr.  B.  would  have  proposed  or  “ intro- 
duced” such  a measure  at  the  time  ; but  it  had  passed;  had 
repealed  the  Missouri  compromise ; had  returned  us  to  staiu 
quo  ante  1819-20:  it  had  but  followed  out  the  compromise 
measure  of  1850,  which  had  already  violated  and  done  away 
with  the  line  of  1319-20 ; and  it  left  us  as  we  ought  ever  to 
have  been  left,  to  our  original  rights  under  the  Constitution. 
His  friends  of  Pennsylvania,  in  nominating  him  at  Harris- 
burg, had,  excluding  the  idea  of  squatter  sovereignty, 
adopted  the  principle  of  non-intervention  by  Congress  to 
prevent  or  exclude  slavery,  and  of  State  equality  in  the 
Territories,  leaving  the  rights  of  all  to  be  guarded  by  the 
Constitution ; and  immediately  upon  his  return  home,  he 
adopted  their  nomination  of  him,  placed  on  this  platform. 
This  was  identification  enough  with  that  measure.  It  was 
all  which  could  fairly  be  asked  or  given  by  him  and  his 
friends.  In  addition  to  this,  the  principle  of  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  bill  has  been  incorporated  into  the  democratic 
platform  by  the  Convention  at  Cincinnati,  and  thereon  he 
stands,  unreservedly,  without  “ adding  or  taking  away  a 
single  plank”  of  its  principles.  And  it  was  well  and  it  was 
wise  that  the  democratic  party  asked  no  rnor5  than  this.  It 
was  well  that  they  did  not  attempt  to  exclude  every  man 
from  pretensions  to  the  Presidency  because  he  did  not  hap- 
pen to  introduce  ” this  measure.  It  would  have  been  go- 
ing too  far  to  have  thus  secured  a monopoly  of  pretensions 
far  that  high  office  to  those  only  who  happened  to  be  mem- 
bers of  Congress,  or  of  the  executive,  at  the  tim6  of  the  pro- 
posal of  a particular  measure.  Men  there  were  outside  as 
well  as  inside  the  Congress  and  the  administration  who 
approve  of  the  “introduction”  of  the  measure,  though  the 
country  was  not  consulted  about  its  introduction ; and 
there  were  many  men  sound  on  slavery  who  did  not  ap- 
prove of  its  “ introduction,”  and  yet,  who  would  have  voted 
for  it,  and  would  now  fight  against  its  repeal.  It  would  not 
have  done,  he  repeated,  to  have  made  theKansas-Nebraska 
bill  a hobby-horse  for  a privileged  few,  to  exclude  ail  others 
from  the  rase  for  honors;  there  were  other  “ weightier  mat- 
ters of  the  law,”  and  other  modes  of  manifesting  soundness 
other  than  upon  that  particular  misasure. 

As  the  bill  was  proi)osed  and  passed,  ns  it  did  repeal  the 
Missouri  line  and  carry  out  ihe  compromise  of  1850,  though 
that  eompromise  cost  lus  so  much — as  it  left  u.s  where  the 
constitution  found  us — the  Couvcntio^j  did  well  on  the  one 


hand  to  adopt  the  principles  of  the  Kansas-Nebra.ska  mea- 
sure, against  the  hypocrites  who  had  bitterly  opposed  the 
extension  of  the  Missouri  line  to  the  Pacific ; and  on  the 
other  hand,  to  exclude  the  conclusion  that  the  office  of  the 
Presidency  was  to  be  exclusively  occupied  by  those  who 
happened  to  have  the  opportunity  at  a particular  time  to 
prepare,  present  and  pass  this  particular  measure,  though 
some  of  its  friends  had  themselves,  previously,  gone  for  the 
extension  of  the  Missouri  compromise  line  to  the  Pacific,  and 
some  had  gone  very  far,  if  not  fully,  for  the  Wilmot  Proviso 
itself.  It  did  very  well  to  save  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill 
from  the  odium  of  being  made  a monopoly  to  subserve  the 
aspirations  of  a special  few.  It  did  well  not  to  exclude  from 
the  support  of  the  South  such  friends  as  Pennsylvania  and 
her  representative  man.  It  did  well  not  to  allow  a great 
political  principle,  touching  the  most  delicate  and  distract- 
ing of  topics,  to  be  made  a stalking  horse  for  political 
cliques:  odium  might  easily  have  been  brought  upon  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  and  the  South  might  have  been  there- 
by seriously  injured.  Mr.  Buchanan  wa.s  perfectly  sound 
upon  the  question,  and  sufficiently  identified  with  it  to  sa- 
tisfy every  Southern  conservative;  and  the  Convention  did 
wisely  and  well  to  nominate  one  who  opposes  the  restoration 
of  the  Missouri  comijromise,  now  that  it  has  been  repealed; 
and  one,  too,  who  will  resist  the  repeal  of  the  Kansas-Ne- 
braska bill,  whether  he  approved  of  its  introduction  or  not. 
And  the  nomination  of  so  sound  and  profound  a statesman 
casts  no  refiection  upon  the  rivals  to  whom  he  was  prefer- 
red. The  venerable  Cass  had  been  once  before  preferred  to 
Mr.  Buchanan,  and  had  rim  and  been  defeated — not  for  the 
want  of  the  support  of  Mr.  Buchanan  and  his  friends.  The 
hope.s  of  but  very  few  still  lingered,  at  the  Cincinnati  Con- 
vention, around  his  availability  in  this  canvass.  Mr.  Bu- 
chanan was  an  older,  if  not  a better  soldier,  than  Mr.  Doug- 
las, who  is  young  enough  to  live  to  run  another  day.  Let 
him  go  on,  as  of  late  years  he  has  made  his  rising  greatness 
to  shine,  and  Virginia,  at  least,  in  due  season,  will  delight 
to  honor  him  witli  her  vote,  as  she  does  now  with  her  ap>- 
l>roval.  He  deserves  thanks  universally  from  the  democracy 
for  not  allowing  his  name  to  distract  the  party  and  defeat 
tlie  nomination  of  a man  who  was  preferred  by  an  over- 
whelming majority  of  demoeratic  States,  and  whose  nomi- 
nation had  on  more  than  one  previous  occasion  been  de- 
feated by  the  votes  of  non-democratic  States.  lie  did  not 
understand  Mr.  Douglas  by  his  telegraphs  as  yielding  to  a 
majority  rule,  against  the  well-settled  two-thirds  rule,  but  aa 
yielding  to  a conviction  of  preference  beyond  controversy 
or  dispute,  which  a two-thirds  rule  was  meant  to  secure. 
This  was  noble,  and  his  withdrawal  will  gain  him  as  Tuach 
favor  and  as  much  honor  as  would  his  nomination,  and  hia 
self-sacrifice  will  be  remembered  in  future.  He  cordially  and 

Douglas  and  Pierce  love  Buchanan. 

eloquently  ratifies  the  nomination  of  James  Buchanan.  And 
no  less  so  does  Franklin  Pierce,  the  worthy  and  approved 
President  of  the  United  States.  Why  should  he,  especially, 
not  endorse  the  preference  of  James  Buchanan  over  him- 
self? Be  it  remembered  that  he  is  now  the  President  of  ih« 
Union,  and  that  James  Buchanan’s  friends  nominated  him 
to  that  high  office.  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia,  North  Caro- 
lina, Georgia,  Alabama  and  Mississippi,  in  1852,  after  giving 
James  Buchanan  84  successive  ballots,  withdrew  his  name, 
and  they,  they  alone,  brought  forward  the  name  of  Franklin 
Pierce.  Mr.  Buchanan  and  his  friends  gave  way  then  to  him 
and  elected  him,  and  why  should  not  he  and  his  friends  hav 
given  way  to  Mr.  Buchanan  now  ? One  good  turn  deserves 
another,  and  the  recorded  rule  of  democracy  is  that  every 
good  man  should  have  his  turn.  We  condemned  not  Mr. 
Pierce  as  President;  he  has  our  gratitude,  and  we  want  no 
better  President  than  he  has  made,  in  the  main;  but  Mr. 
Buchanan  will  make  no  worse  a President,  and  hi.s  turn  had 
come  at  last,  though  late  and  long  postponed  to  the  claims 
of  other  men.  That  is  all  in  the  preference  of  James  Bu- 
chanan over  Mr.  Pierce  now.  On  the  other  hand,  as  Penn- 
sylvania had,  in  1852,  next  to  Mr.  Buchanan  preferred  Mr. 
Pierce,  I regret  only  that  New  Hampsiiire  did  not,  in  185<, 
next  to  Mr.  Pierce,  if  not  over  him,  pr-efer  Mr.  Buchanan. 
But  he  had  said  the  nomination  was  not  only  due  to  the 
man,  but  to  the  State  of  Pennsylvania.  She  is  one  of  the 
oldest  and  largest  of  the  Old  Thirteen.  From  1301,  in  1809, 
aud  the  war  of  1812,  In  the  election  of  Monroe,  through 
that  of  General  Jackson,  down  to  this  day,  sho  has  been  the 
keystone  of  the  federal  arch  aad  the  stay  and  support  of  the 
democratic  party  and  its  principles.  Among  the  faithless 
ever  faithful,  she  hsw  never  In  any  great  struggle  faltered 
until  her  politicians  and  her  people,  of  late,  were  surprised 


12 


by  the  secrecy  of  Know-Nothingism,  and  she  has  now  glo- 
riously redeemed  herself  from  that  ambuscade.  And  though, 
so  distinguished  in  every  great  battle  for  the  democracy’ 
and  though  democracy  has  been  so  often  triumphant,  and 
though  so  strong  among  the  States,  she  has  never  been  hon- 
ored until  now  with  a candidate  for  the  Presidency.  She 
has  been  working  for  other  States,  for  other  men  of  other 
States,  and  not  been  allowed  to  name  a son  of  her  own. 


Pennsylvania  must  he  cared  for. 

How  long  was  .she  to  stand  the  “ great  rejected  ” in  the 
Union?  Did  she  not  deserve  credit  for  standing  rejected  so 
long?  Had  she  ever  proposed  a son  of  hers  before  1844? 
and  yet,  from  1S44  down  to  this  hour,  in  1844,  1848, 1852, 
she  had  patiently  submitted  and  rallied  to  the  democracy, 
and  gave  her  strength  to  its  cause,  though  repulsed  and 
r^‘ected_,  with  a majority  of  democratic  States  at  her  back, 
three  times  in  succession,  and  she  has  not  thrown  down  her 
shield  and  buckler  and  retired  to  her  tent.  The  fourth  time 
now  had  come.  She  alone  of  all  the  Middle  and  North- 
eastern States  stood  firm  for  democracy ; she  alone  of  the 
Northern  and  non-slaveholding  States  of  largest  federal 
strength  and  size  remains  true  and  reliable;  again  she  of- 
fered her  son,  who  had  been  thrice  sacrificed  by  non-demo- 
cratic  States.  Was  he  to  be  again  defeated — she  again  to 
be  r^ected  ? Ah  I we  might  again  have  nominated  without 
Pennsylvania ; but  could  we  have  elected  without  her  united 
voice  of  twenty-eight  electoral  votes?— without  the  only 
certain  first  class  State  left  to  democracy  and  the  South  in 
the  North?  It  was  not  safe  to  reject  Pennsylvania  a fourth 
time.  She  is  true  to  principle,  but  true  alike  to  herself.  She 
holds  her  State  pride  and  self-respect  as  high  as  any  other 
State,  and  a fourth  repulse  of  her  pretensions  might  have 
caused  disaffection  in  her  and  disaster  to  democracy.  The 
Convention,  then,  did  most  wisely  in  recognizing  the  claims 
of  a State  so  large,  so  strong,  so  true,  so  faithful,  and  yet  so 
long  neglected  and  rejected.  But,  above  all,  the  nomina- 
tion of  Mr.  Buchanan  was  best  in  reference  to  the  present 
condition  of  the  country.  By  feud  and  faction,  the  whole 
nation  is  internally  torn — fanaticism  and  sectionalism  are 
distracting  the  people  and  dividing  them  from  each  other  in 
moody  separation  of  societies  and  States  and  churches.  The 
nation’s  genius  is  acting  against  itself  at  a time  when  we 
are,  by  no  insignificant  menace,  threatened  with  causes  of 
foreign  war.  Thank  God,  that  in  every  extreme  trial,  in 
every  perplexity,  whenever  men  know  not  what  to  do  to 
save  and  unite  us  as  one  people,  there  is  yet  left  one  moun- 
tain of  refuge  I We  may  yet  go  to  the  shrine  of  George 
Washington!  We  maj’- yet  rely  on  his  precept  and  on  his 
example  as  a tower  of  strength,  and  feel  safe  under  the 
shadow  of  his  parental  influence  ! We  may  always  recur  to 
fundamental  principles,  and  take  counsel  from  that  rich 
legacy  of  advice  he  left  us  in  his  ever  blessed  Farewell  Ad- 
dress! It  is  so  marked  by  wisdom,  and  virtue  and  patriot- 
ism, by  disinterested  devotion  to  country,  that  it  has  never 
thus  far  been  violated  but  in  two  instances ; and  it  is  the 
most  remarkable  proof  of  its  prescience,  that  the  very  crop 
of  dragons’  teeth  we  are  now  reaping  as  a nation,  spring 
from  those  two  violations.  The  Father  of  his  Country  told 
us  “Never  to  draw  a sectional  geographical  line.”  The 
Missouri  compromise  line  was  drawn,  and  its  repeal  is 
causing  the  civil  war  in  Kansas,  the  pions  contributions  for 
rifles  by  the  preachers  of  “ Christian  politics  ” in  the  North, 
and  in  attempting  to  set  up  a law  higher  than  the  Constitu- 
tion, at  the  imminent  risk  of  peace  and  Union.  And  he 
told  ns  “Never  to  form  entangling  alliances  with  foreign  na- 
tions.” And  the  wretchedly  conceived  and  executed  Clay- 
ton-Bulwer  treaty  was  formed,  not  only  to  binti  us  to  forego 
the  dominion  of  the  Isthmus  af  the  two  Americas,  at  the 
time  when  the  apple  was  beginning  to  ripen,  and  be  ready 
to  fall  into  our  laps,  but  binding  us  by  an  alliance,  offensive 
and  defensive,  to  forbear  all  Intervention  by  ourselves  and 
others  to  secure  to  America  her  sovereign  right  of  way 
from  one  side  to  the  other  ef  her  own  continent;  a treaty 
which  binds  us  to  exclude  no  nation  of  all  nations  from  the 
way,  but  bound  us  to  full  one-half  of  the  risk,  responsibility 
and  expense  of  the  guarantee  of  the  way  without  a consi- 
deration, and  at  the  hazard  of  the  true  interpretation  of  the 
treaty  between  us  and  our  ally,  which  we  are  now  incurring, 
and  which  may  drive  us  all  around  Cape  Horn  before  its 
solution  is  arrived  at.  This  extraordinary  wanton  conces- 
sion, so  mueh  in  violation  of  the  Farewell  Address,  was 
made  by  the  famous  administration  of  Fillmore,  which 
claimed  t.o  be  so  “ Washington-like  throughout.”  It  Is  the 
main  difllculty  which  we  have  to  encounter  in  a Mtilement 
with  Great  Britain. 


Buchanan  will  make  a Slave  State  of  Kansas. 

Now,  as  to  the  first  of  these  troubles,  he  (Mr.  Wise)  under 
took  to  say  that  no  man  in  this  country  could  bring  so  be 
nign  an  influence  to  bear  as  James  Buchanan,  no  State 
more  material  aid  to  restore  the  Constitution  to  its  rei<^n 
^an  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  in  the  present  crisis.  Mr 
Buchanan  had  done  all  a wise  man  could  do  to  run  the 
Missouri  line,  by  way  of  guarantee  to  North  and  South,  by 
way  of  final  settlement  of  sectional  controversy,  to  the 
Pacific.  Against  him  and  his  friends  of  the  South  it  wax 
destroyed,  in  1850,  by  its  now  professed  friends,  and,  b«ing 
repealed,  he  will  rwvert  to  the  Constitution  as  the  only  just 
compromise,  allow  no  more  sectional  lines  to  be  drawn  and 
fight,  if  he  must,  against  destroying  State  equality  in  the 
Territories.  He  has  the  standard  point,  the  position  from 
which  he  may  surely  and  safely  pursue  this  policy,  and  to 
this  policy  he  and  his  powerful  State  of  Pennsylvania  are 
committed.  Upon  this  he  was  nominated,  and  when  he  is 
elected,  and  another  non-slaveholding  President,  from  the 
great  tier  of  Middle  States,  shall  have  confirmed  the  doc- 
trines of  the  late  messages  of  Franklin  Pierce,  a President 
from  the  extreme  North— from  the  Granite  State  of  noble 
New  Hampshire— then  we  may  regard  the  doctrine  and  the 
practice  as  settled  and  sanctioned,  and  the  South  may  feel 
safe,  and  the  North  be  content  to  abide  by  the  Constitution 
as  it  is.  To  settle  this  sectional  strife,  no  man  could  brin'^ 
so  much  of  Northern  and  slave-holding  strength  to  unite 
with  the  South  in  defence  of  the  Constitution  and  the  Union 
as  James  Buchanan  has  brought  and  can  bring.  His  name 
has  held  Pennsylvania  to  Virginia;  his  name  has  united  th** 
hard  and  the  soft  factions  of  New  York,  and  made  them 
make  the  welkin  ring  with  one  voice  of  rafification,  shouting 
together  at  the  Park  of  their  city,  the  other  night,  in  favor 
of  his  nomination.  lYhat  other  name  has  the  magic  of 
harmony  in  it,  ^ to  unite  factions  like  these  ? He  was  iden- 
tified with  no  feud,  and  had  healing  in  his  wings  at  once  to 
compose  these  strifes.  Soft,  winning,  gentle,  forbearing,  he 
is  the  man  to  turn  away  wrath,  and  to  bear  the  olive  branch 
of  peace  and  reconciliation  wherever  his  brethren  disser.i 
and  differ  at  home.  And,  above  all  men,  he  is  the  man  of 
men  to  keep  the  peace  with  Great  Britain,  at  home  and 
abroad.  Just  returned  from  the  Court  of  St.  James,  n • 
man  has  had  the  personal  contact,  no  man  has  had  the  per- 
sonal impress  with  a Clarendon  or  a British  cabinet  whici- 
James  Buchanan  has.  He  is,  I hope,  utterly  opposed  to  a 

War  dangerous  to  the  Slave-breeding  States. 

war  with  England.  Nothing  could  be  more  disastrous 
our  whole  country,  and  especially  to  our  Southern  sectioj; 
of  it,  than  a war  with  England  at  this  crisis.  He  (Mr.  Wisi.- ; 
did  not  fear  England.  If  he  was  to  have  a war,  if  war  must 
come,  it  was  more  honorable  to  have  it  with  a power  wor- 
thy of  our  steel.  No  foeman  was  as  worthy  of  a war  with 
America  as  Great  Britain.  Every  laurel  gained  in  a war 
with  her  would  be  an  honor  well  won,  if  any  were  won.  He 
wished  to  be  distinctly  understood.  He  was  no  war  man  in 
peace,  and  no  peace  man  in  war.  He  loved  the  English 
nation  better  than  any  other,  e.xcept  his  own.  He  loved 
the  Anglo-Saxon  race  best,  because  it  was  his  own  race,  and 
he  believed  it  was  the  best  race  of  men  on  earth.  He  knew, 
after  all  that  had  passed  between  John  Bull  and  Brother 
.Jonathan,  notwithstanding  all  the  hard  knocks  given  and 
received  between  them,  they  at  heart  loved  each  other  and 
respected  each  other.  He  had  felt  this  once  abroad.  When 
the  Mexican  war  began,  he  had  opportunities  in  South  Am- 
erica to  see  and  to  feel,  and  he  would  never  forget  that, 
whilst  Spaniards  and  Portuguese  and  Frenchmen  were  sym- 
pathizing with  and  bantering  for  the  Mexican,  and  hoping 
and  proph.)Byiiig  his  victory  over  us,  John  Bull  rammed  his 
fists  in  his  breeches  pockets  and  grufliy  stood  up  for  Brother 
Jonathan.  He  swore,  and  he  offered  to  bet,  with  no  little 
bullying  in  kis  tone,  that  he  could  whip  his  kinsman,  but 
nobody  els*  could  whip  his  brother  Jonathan.  If  there  is 
bad  bleed  between  John  Bull  and  Brother  Jonalhaa,  it  is  all 
in  the  family — they  will  settle  their  quarrels  in  their  ow 
way,  and  nobody  else  must  interfere.  Whilst  he  (Mr.  Wise  ■ 
would  rather  whip  an  Englishman  than  anybody  else,  only 
because  there  was  more  honor  in  it,  yet  lie  had  rather  see 
Great  Britain  victorious  against  other  Powers  than  our- 
selves, and  he  desired  anything  ekse  than  a war  with  Eng- 
land, unless  there  was  neccisity  for  it,  and  honor  requires 
it.  And  he  undertook  t*  say  this  was  the  feeling  of  our  peo- 
ple generally  and  almost  uuiversally ; and  if  there  was  .•»  war 
with  Great  Britain,  it  would  be  an  act  of  folly  or  crime,*or 
of  a blunder  wor«e  than  crime,  for  which  there  is  no  excu'v 
and  can  be  no  pardon.  He  meant  to  cast  not  the  lea.st  r- 


13 


proach  upon  the  course  of  the  present  adrainistration.  Mr. 
iMerce  had  acted  prudently,  cautiously,  and  firmly,  Uis 
policy  is  doubtless  peace,  and  to  preserve  peace  he  has 
acted  firmly  and  decisively.  But  the  question  of  peace  or 
war  is  complicated,  and  the  issues  are  somewhat  involved. 
He  meant  no  alarm,  not  even  to  the  nerves  of  old  women, 
when  he  said  that  mismanagement  or  bad  motives  might 
bring  on  a war;  and  to  prevent  war,  to  preserve  peace, 
nothing  could  have  had'  a more  pacific  effect  in  Great  Britain, 
at  this  hour,  than  the  selection  of  James  Buchanan,  of  Penn- 
sylvania, late  Minister  of  the  United  States  at  the  Court  of 
Victoria.  There  he  was  known,  there  his  personal  confer- 
ences had  been  felt,  and  his  correspondence  weighed.  He  is 
known  there  to  be  pacific  and  conciliatory.  It  is  claimed 
there  that  he  was  already  committed  to  an  acknowledgment 
of  satisfaction  on  the  enlistment  issue.  But  a question  of 
peace  or  war  is  to  be  settled.  The  United  States  say  to  Eng- 
land : “ You  violated  our  territory,  you  forced  our  neu- 
trality, you  invaded  our  sovereign  rights  by  enlistment; 
we  oomplained  of  your  agents  and  requested  their  recall. 
You  pretended  not  to  justify,  but  apologized  for  their 
acts,  and  yet  refused  to  recall  them.  We  dismiss  them 
and  send  them  home  to  you  discredited.  By  this  we  mean 
iio  discourtesy  to  you,  but  to  say  that  your  servants  are  not 
tolerable  or  acceptable  to  us.  'Again,  on  the  subject  of  our 
treaty  we  say  your  interpretation  is  wrong,  and  we  will  not 
Bubmit  to  it;  and  we  recognize  as  a power  dt  facto ^ to  be 
treated  as  a sovereign,  a force,  the  Walker-Rivas  govern- 
ment, which  has,  in  the  face  of  the  treaty  to  guarantee  non- 
intervention, interposed  on  the  Isthmus  and  assumes  its 
jurisdiction  and  control.”  This  notice  is  given  whilst  the 
servants  of  the  British  government  are  sent  home — contem- 
poraneously— Great  Britain  replies:  “ We  regret  it  and  re- 
call the  act,  if  your  jurisdiction,  your  neutrality,  or  your 
sovereignty  has  been  invaded  by  our  servants.  Nothing 
was  further  from  our  intentions,  and  we  issued  orders  im- 
mediately to  our  servants  to  desist.  Thinking  them  guilty 
yourselves,  you  did  not,  as  you  might  have  done,  adjudge 
them  so  far  as  to  sentence  them  to  dismissal  from  your 
limits  and  to  send  them  home.  Had  you  done  so  without  an 
appeal  to  us,  we  could  have  taken  no  offence.  But  you  ap- 
pealed to  us  to  adjudge  your  complaints  against  them  and 
to  punish  them.  We  could  not  punish  without  trying  them, 
and  at  your  request  we  examined  your  complaint  and  their 
defence,  and  upon  trial,  according  to  the  best  of  our  judg- 
ment and  conscience,  we  were  compelled  to  find  them  ‘ not 
guilty,’  and  we  could  not  punish  without  convicting  them. 
You  have  indignantly  sent  them  home,  rever'sed  our  judg- 
ment, and  punished  them  by  a dismissal  from  your  court. 
You  say  this  is  not  meaning  to  be  discourteous  to  her  Ma- 
jesty’s government,  and  yet,  after  calling  on  her  Miijesty’s 
government  to  judge  her  servants,  how  could  you  dismiss 
them  without  contemptuously  reflecting  upon  and  acting 
against  the  judgment  of  her  Majesty’s  government  which 
yourselves  called  for  ? The  disclaimer  is  not  reconcilable 
with  the  fact  of  the  case,  nor  with  the  respect  which  is 
claimed  for  a solemn  dedsion  demanded  on  your  part  to  be 
made  upon  our  part.  Sending  these  servants  home,  dis- 
missing them  contrary  to  our  judgment  which  you  called  for 
and  which  we  conscientiously  gave,  you  at  the  same  time 
notify  us  of  a contention  about  our  treaty  in  respect  to 
Nicaragua.  We  cannot  and  will  not  yield  our  interpreta- 
tion of  that  treaty ; but  whether  that  interpretation  be  right 
or  wrong,  you  bound,  whether  we  can  claim  or  retain  pos- 
session or  not  of  any  part  of  the  Isthmus  or  its  islands, 
yourselves  in  alliance  with  us  to  guarantee  against  inter- 
vention or  occupation  by  any  other  power;  and  yet,  you 
have  recognized  a power  de  facto^  which  is  notoriously  a 
filibustering  power,  looking  to  uitimate  annexation  to  you. 
In  view  of  these  plain  facts,  we  end  diplomatic  relations,  we 
send  Mr.  Dallas  home  to  you,  and  we  notify  you  that  we 
will  carry  out  our  interpretation  of  the  treaty  by  taking 
open  possession  immediately  of  the  parts  we  claim,  and  that 
we  will  drive  from  the  country  the  invading  and  filibuster- 
ing forces  of  what  you  have  recognized  as  a de  facto  sove- 
reign power,  called  a Walker-Rivas  government.”  Now,  if 
messages  like  these  should  be  sent  and  received,  there  would 
be  some  danger  of  collision.  The  two  issues  come  together  in 
conjunction,  and  most  inopportunely  do  they  conplicate  the 
adjustment  and  double  the  danger.  And  for  us,  he  repeated, 
a war  with  Great  Britain  will  be  most  destructive  and  disas- 
trous. We  have  fearful  issues  on  the  slavery  question  now, 
and  there  would  be  a worse  one  tnen.  Fifteen  years  ago,  when 
he  (Mr.  Wise)  offered  a resolution  in  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives declaring  that  Congress  had  no  power  whatever  over 
slavery  in  the  States  of  the  Union,  that  “ old  man  eloquent,” 
as  he  was  called,  John  Quincy  Adams,  said  : “ Sir,  the  pro- 
position of  the  gentleman  from  Accomac  is  not  true.  If 
Congress  cannot  legislate,  less  than  Congress  in  the  Federal 


government  may  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  States.  Eng- 
land was  compelled  to  treat  with  Cudjo  in  the  cockpits  of 
Jamaica,  and  if  he  could  compel  England  to  make  emanci- 
pation a condition  of  peace,  much  more  could  a President 
and  Senate,  under  your  treaty-making  power,  unlimited  as 
it  is,  make  emancipation  a condition  of  peace,  in  case  of  a 
war,  to  be  settled  with  any  foreign  power,”  This  warning, 
horrible,  revolting  as  it  is  to  every  sense  of  safety  and  con- 
stitutional and  national  obligation,  he  took  to  his  remem- 
brance forever.  The  thought  of  a war  with  Old  England  at 
this  crisis  of  black  republicanism  In  New  England,  made 
him  remember  it  with  a vengeance.  If  we  go  to  war  we  will 
not  have  the  power  of  privateering  we  had  in  the  ld.st  war. 
We  are  without  the  nucleus  of  a navy,  save  in  merchant 
marine,  whose  bottomry  and  tonnage  exceeds  that  of  Great 
Britain.  With  more  commerce  and  shipping  than  England 
to  be  destroyed,  we  have  not  a hundredth  part  of  her  navy, 
and  especially  of  her  steam  navy.  It  is  not  as  in  the  last 
war,  when  canvas,  when  sails  were  the  motors  on  the 
high  seas.  Now  steam  is  the  substitute,  and  in  thirty 
days  our  shipping  and  sailors  would  be  shut  in  and 
shut  out  at  every  port;  and  sails  could  not  cruise  against 
steam.  One  steamer  could  protect  a fleet  of  argosies,  wliich 
no  privateer  could  touch.  The  war  would  have  to  last 
more  than  one,  two  or  three  years  for  us  to  come  out 
of  it  with  honor.  He  knew  that,  in  the  long  run,  if  war 
would  only  continue  long  enough,  we  could  fight  under 
until  the  nation  had  time  to  rise  up  and  shake  off  its  want 
of  preparation,  and  exhaust  its  adversary  and  make  honor- 
able terms.  But  would  we  have  time?  Would  time  be  al- 
lowed us?  No,  he  feared.  New  England  commerce  and 
Southern  cotton  and  tobacco  would  suffer  so  much  they 
would  cry  out  for  peace  like  frogs  for  rain.  And  this  agony 
for  peace  would  aid  black  republicanism  to  propose  terms 
alike  dishonorable  and  destructive  to  our  property  and  our 
independence.  Aye,  if  such  a man  as  that  pious  politician, 
John  McLean,  of  Ohio,  who  is  the  first  of  the  bench  of  the 
Supreme  Court  to  stain  the  ermine  of  the  Judiciary  by  ap- 
peals to  fanatical  prejudice  to  make  him  President,  shall 
succeed  in  his  mad  ambition,  and  if  a Senate  shall  have  a 
majority  of  such  men  as  Seward  and  Wilson,  and  Wade, 
and  Sumner, — with  a house  composed  of  black  republicans 
or  mulattoes  or  Know  Nothings,  headed  by  a Banks— can 
we  expect  anything  else,  if  there  should  be  a war  with 
England,  than  black  republicanism  combining  with  foreign 
English  influence  to  make  emancipation  a condition  of 
peace?  Would  not  such  arch-fiends  of  national  distur- 
bance, dishonor  and  disgrace  with  a war  with  Old  England, 
in  order  that  the  abolitionists  of  New  England  might  have 
the  chance  of  proposing  such  conditions  of  peace?  For 
James  Buchanan  he  was  not  authorized  to  speak ; but  he 
spoke  his  own  well-assured  convictions,  when  he  expressed 
the  confidence  that  peace  would  be  his  policy ; and  if  war 
shoifld  come,  he  would  repel  such  terms  and  conditions  of 
peace  as  he  would  repel  the  worst  invaders  of  peace.  He 
trusted  no  such  opportunity  of  mischief  would  be  afforded 
to  internal  or  external  foes.  He  trusted  that  James  Bu- 
chanan would  speedily  re.store  diplomatic  intercourse  with 
Great  Britain,  and  guard  the  nation  from  war  by  abrogat- 
ing the  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty.  He  trusted  that  he  would 
guard  our  neutrality  laws,  but  would  never  yield  our  iMter- 
pretation  of  the  treaty  and  the  Monroe  doctrine  as  long  as 
there  is  “ a shot  in  the  locker.”  The  country  will  gladly 
accept  any  settlement  made  within  these  limits  of  peace 
I and  soif-protection.  He  is  now  called  upon  at  the  right  time, 
for  laK  conservatisms,  and  because  especially  he  is  safe 
upon  oilr  foreign  relations,  his  nomination  for  the  Presi- 
dency is  most  opportune,  and  will  be  most  heartily  ratified 
and  sustained  by  the  American  people.  The  danger  of 
foreign  war  and  of  domestic  strife  alike  call  the  peaceful 
sage  to  preside  over  the  nation.  He  went  for  the  nomina- 
tion lastly,  because  it  was  the  emphatic  voice  of  Virginia. 

Buchanan  the  choice  of  the  Virginia  Slave-breeders. 

It  was  not  the  movement  of  him,  Mr.  Wise,  but  it  was  the 
movement  of  Virginia.  She  made  it ; without  her  it  woula 
not  have  been  made;  and  she  had  the  right  to  make  it.  If 
any  State  coidd  in  justice  claim  the  right  to  have  her  wislies 
preferred,  it  was  Virginia,  in  this  nomination.  Just  one 
year  ago — no,  not  one  year  ago,  for  that  wouldn’t  bring  us 
to  the  24th  of  May,  1855 — fourteen  months  ago,  how  stood 
the  hopes  of  democracy?  Overwhelmed  in  every  Northern 
State,  many  of  the  leaders  began  to  cower,  shuddering  in 
the  gloom  of  the  dark  lantern  in  the  South.  The  “ dagger 
and  the  cord,”  as  in  Germany  in  the  time  of  the  Vehme 
Gerichte,  were  stealthily  in  the  night  stuck  upon  men’s 
tables,  as  upon  that  of  Charles  the  Bold ; and  the  baldest 


14 


in  the  South  beffan  to  waver— to  hush  and  be  still.  Flesh 
was  made  to  creep  upon  one’s  bones— political  assassina- 
tions near  froze  tire  blood  of  men,  and  many  turned  pale 
and  skulked  to  the  culvert  for  safety— some  went  for  suc- 
cor. Many  who  are  amongst  those  now  foremost  in  de- 
nouncing Sam,  since  Sam  is  down,  and  none  so  poor  as  to 
do  him  reverence,  were  whispering  eagerly  the  inquiry 
whether  it  was  not  best  to  yield  to  the  Great  Unknown — 
tho  Invisible  Invincible  I But  Sam  met  here  in  Virginia 
the  visible  invincible— the  indomitable  democracy  of  the 
Old  Dominion.  If  there  is  anything  on  earth  which  is 
invincible,  it  is  that  glorious  democracy  — ever  un- 
moved, unshaken,  unterrifled  1 It  was  not  him,  he  was  but 
a trumpet,  a horn,  to  wake  the  knights  and  steeds  of  Hur- 
seldoun.  He  but  made  the  State  tour  to  tell  the  men  of  the 
lowland  and  the  mountains  the  danger  which  lurked  in  the 
citadel  of  their  faith,  and  they  awoke  in  their  might.  Sam 
was  not  smart — he  hallooed  before  he  was  out  of  the  woods 
—he  boasted  of  his  numbers — said  he  had  seventy-three 
thousand  enrolled— and  he  had  : it  was  about  the  only 
truth  he  told  during  the  canvass.  That  was  all  that  was 
wanting.  It  was  like  a strong  athletic  man  seeing  how  far 
the  antagonist  jumped;  the  democracy  only  wanted  to 
know  the  required  effort  to  be  made  to  secure  victory.  The 
full  strength  of  Virginia  democracy  is  never  put  wholly 
forth — it  is  never  required.  Her  majority  is  no  test  of  her 
power.  She  only  wants  to  know  the  mark  of  the  adversary 
just  cleanly  to  leap  over  it.  Sam  told  ns  his — he  didn’t 
keep  tliat  secret,  and  its  teUing  was  fatal  to  him.  He  said 

78.000.  and  it  was  beaten  more  than  10,000.  The  Legisla- 
ture did  not  count  and  correct  the  poll.  It  was  more  than 

10.000.  If  he  had  said  88,000,  it  would  have  been  all  the 
same — 93,000  would  have  been  beaten.  Never,  until  he 
touched  the  mark  of  103,000  voters,  would  he  have  brought 
Virginia  democracy  to  a tie.  Why?  Because  there  are 

206.000.  voters  in  Virginia,  and  therefore  he  said  108,000. 
It  is  the  half  of  206,000,  and  anywhere  within  that  margin, 
anything  known  to  be  opposed  to  democracy,  will  be 
beaten  in  Virginia.  If  Sam  hadn’t  been  known  to  be 
beaten  oa  the  24th  of  May,  1855,  from  5,000  to  15,000 — it 
mattered  not  %rhich  here — the  Tenth  Legion  would  not 
have  been  done  voting  until  the  election  was  sure  by  some 
certain  majority.  So  indomitable,  so  sure,  so  true  to  them- 
selves and  their  country  are  our  Virginia  democracy.  It 
is  here  no  political  pastime,  it  is  a principle  and  a passion 
with  the  people.  The  leaders  may  wander  off,  but  the  mass 
here  are  their  own  leaders.  It  is  not  so  much,  so  gloriously 
so  anywhere  else  on  earth.  This  indomitable  democracy 
of  Virginia,  here  and  nowhere  else,  turned  back  the  tide 
©f  revolution — rolled  defeated  back  upon  victory,  and 
plucked  our  drowning  hopes  up  by  the  locks.  Hope 
was  sunk.  There  was  no  hope  before  the  Virginia  election. 
Sam’s  secrecy  had  surprised  even  old  Pennsylvania — and 
there  is  no  hope  now.  Hope  is  made  up  of  “ desire  and  ex- 
pectation.” 

Before  the  Virginia  election,  there  was  the  desire,  but  no 
expectation  of  success  for  democracy.  Now,  since  the  Vir- 
ginia election  and  this  glorious  nomination,  there  is  still  the 
desire,  but  still  no  “ expectation  ” — for  expectation,  doubt, 
uncertainty,  is  turned  into  a certainty,  and  is  swallowed  up 
in  a glorious  democratic  victory  and  triumph.  Virginia  re- 
vived hope,  restored  strength  and  certainty  of  success ; and 
she  had  the  right  to  say  who  should  be  her  standard-bearer 
— who  should  wear  the  honors  and  wield  the  power  she  had 
won.  Gratefully  she  turned  to  her  sister  State  of  Pennsyl- 
vania. The  “sour  krout”  democracy  of  Simon  Snyder  had 
always  stood  true  to  the  “red  waistcoat”  democracy  of 
Thomas  Jefferson — as  North  Carolina  with  her  Macon  in- 
tegrity had  always  been  the  “ left  bower,”  so  Pennsylvania 
had  always  been  the  “ right  bower  ” of  Virginia,  and  neither 
of  her  sisters  had  ever  had  a son  promoted  to  the  Presiden- 
cy. Pennsylvania  now  had  the  representative  man,  and 
North  Carolina  and  Virginia  both  needed  strength  in  the 
North.  New  York  was  still  divided — Ohio  was  hopeless — 
the  only  Slate  left  to  us  was  Pennsylvania.  In  ’44  Virginia 
had  voted  in  her  delegation  in  convention  for  James  Bu- 
chanan; in  ’48  she  had  voted  for  him;  in  ’52  she  had  voted 
thirty-four  times  in  succession  for  him,  and  since  then  there 
was  no  change  in  him,  and  no  change  in  events,  except  that 
the  reasons  for  his  nomination  multiplied — factions  in  his 
own  State  had  died  out— Cass  was  no  longer  his  competitor 
— tlie  South  still  more  than  ever  needed  to  preserve  all 


her  strength  of  union  in  the  Northern  and  non-slaveholding 
democracy.  Pennsylvania  was  our  fortress  and  friend  : her 
son  was  the  man.  And  here,  therefore,  he  (Mr.  Wise)  grate- 
fully thanked  the  delegation  from  Virginia  at  Cincinnati,  for 
their  continuous,  persistent  votes  fot  sixteen  ballots  more. 
Virginia,  in  the  two  last  Conventions,  has  given  him  fifty 
ballots  combined,  until  he  is  now  the  nominee  of  the  demo- 
cracy, with  a certainty  of  election.  If  it  be  asked,  as  it  was 
in  Raleigh,  “"Why  did  Virginia  separate  herself  from  North 
Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama,  and  Missis- 
sippi?” the  reply  is  that  they  separated  themselves  from 
Virginia.  Virginia  stood  where  she  was  in  1852.  She  re- 
membered that  in  1852  Pennsylvania  then  separated  herself 
from  the  North  to  join  with  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Geor- 
gia, Alabama  and  Mississippi,  to  make  a nomination,  and 
they — these  six  States — did  make  it,  and  did  well  to  make  it. 
Virginia  did  well  to  stand  stiU  by  Pennsylvania,  and  she 
will  not  stop  to  ask  why  did  not  the  Southern  States  remain 
with  her  in  the  nomination,  for  they  will  all  be  with  her  in 
the  election.  She  will  prove  to  the  South  how  wise  and  how 
well  it  was,  and  ever  wUl  be  for  the  whole  country  that  Vir- 
ginia and  Pennsylvania  shall  forever  be  united  in  democra- 
tic and  patriotic  triumphs.  "What  is  to  prevent  his  election? 
Mr.  Fillmore  has  accepted— accepted  without  reference  to 
the  chances  of  success  or  defeat.  But  he  wanted  one  thing 
marked — he  accepts  expressly,  not  the  platform  of  June, 

1855,  with  a 12th  section,  but  the  platfornl  of  February, 

1856,  which  expunged  and  ignored  the  12th  section,  and  in 
a letter  which  goes  expressly  for  restoring  tlie  Missouri 
compromise.  The  Mulengeons  of  Richmond  endorsed  The 
“late  Convention”  at  Philadelphia,  too;  but  will  any  South- 
ern man — a Stuart  or  an  Imbodin  even — endorse  this  letter 
for  the  restoration  of  the  Missouri  Compromise?  They  may 
re-endorse  returning  to  the  purity  of  the  times  of  the  Gal- 
phins  and  the  Gardners,  and  to  the  wisdom  of  a Clayton- 
Bulwer  treaty  by  a Washington-like  administration  through- 
out; but  will  they  go  for  restoring  the  odious  Missouri 
compromise?  There  was  but  one  excuse  now  made  for 

Fillmore  used  only  to  defeat  the  Fremonters. 

supporting  a Fillmore  tickeL  It  had  been  whispered  to  Mr. 
Wise  that  it  was  politic  and  patriotic  to  let  Southern  men  in 
minorities,  and  Northern  men  in  majorities  in  some  States, 
if  they  could  be  got  to  go  for  it,  as  it  would  tend  to  divide 
the  black  republican  forces.  This  was  a monstrous  patriot- 
ism, and  more  monstrous  admission.  Not  hoping  for  suc- 
cess, just  to  run  to  hoodwink  parties.  They  are  to  allow 
their  names  to  be  used  to  prevent  their  partisans  in  the 
North  from  voting  the  black  republican  ticket.  Then  their 
partisans  there  have,  it  is  admitted,  black  republican  affini- 
ties. If  so,  how  came  their  partisans  in  our  midst  to  have 
affinities  with  their  partisans  in  the  North  having  black  re- 
publican affinities?  This  is  a juggle  no  more  respectable 
than  that  of  Know-Nothingism.  No  I — The  effect  of  run- 
ning a Fillmore  ticket  is  to  keep  the  South  from  being  united 
to  a man— that  ticket  will  get  but  few  men  North.  Tliis 
proves  that  the  ticket  is  a mongrel  ticket — that  the  offepriiig 
of  it  is,  as  he  had  said,  a mulatto,  or,  as  he  had  better  said, 
a Mulungeon  I But  the  South  will  unite  on  the  Cincinnati 
nomination.  It  addresses  itself  too  strongly  to  the  res))ect- 
able  old  line  whigs  for  good  men  not  to  combine  for  good, 
when  bad  men  are  combined  for  evil — it  is  too  conservative 
for  them  not  to  rally  with  us  to  conserve  the  moral  princi- 
ples which  preserve  society — the  fundamental  political  prin- 
ciples which  conserve  the  State— tne  hallowed  rights  of  reli- 
gion which  protect  the  purity  of  churches,  our  altars  and 
religion  themselves  against  the  infidelity  and  the  anti- 
Christ  of  fanaticism — our  Constitution  and  Union,  the  pal- 
ladium of  our  liberty  and  strength,  against  the  higher  law 
and  lower  morals  of  sectionalism.  lie  said  that  when  a 
boy,  shooting  “ geese,  ducks  and  plover,”  along  the  Atlan- 
tic coast,  he  had  always  found  “ double  B’s  ” — B.  B.  shot-— 
to  be  most  effective.  This  is  a B.  B.  ticket  1 Let  it  be  called 
the  “double  B ” ticket.  It  has  not  only  B.  for  Buchanan, 
but  B.  for  a son  of  the  chief  State  of  Virginia- Kentucky 
joined  to  Pennsylvania — Virginia’s  nephew  and  grand- 
child I Now,  with  these  double  B’s  we  had  only  to  load  the 
democratic  big  gun,  take  aim  at  the  butts  of  the  wings  of 
the  leaders  or  watch-geese,  let  fly  into  the  flock,  and  at 
every  fire  we  would  bring  down  more  game  than  we  could 
I bag  1 


15 


PRESTON  S.  BROOKS  FOR  BUCHANAN. 


From  his  Letter  to  the  Buchanun  Ratification  Meeting  at  Charleston^  S.  C. 


“Mr.  Buchanan  was  neither  my  first  nor  second 
choice  for  the  Presidency;  but,  as  the  representa- 
tive of  a type  of  principles,  and  standing  boldly  as 
he  does  upon  the  Baltimore  platform,  upon  which 
General  Pierce  was  carried  into  power — enlarged, 
improved,  and  strengthened  as  it  has  been  by  the 


supplemental  resolutions  adopted  at  Cincinnati,  and 
by  wliich  resolutions  our  principles,  as  practically  ap- 
plied to  the  Terrnloi'yof  Kansas^  have  been  re-indorsed 
by  the  American  Democracy,  and  by  their  nominee 
—I  could  not  be  unfaithful  to  the  man  without 
treachery  to  the  principles  he  represents.” 


MR.  BUCHANAN  APOLOGIZES  FOR  BROOKS. 


Lahoastkr,  Thv/rsday,  July  24, 1856. 

Clorrespond&nce  of  the  N.  T.  Tribune. 

I returned  here  again  yesterday,  to  attend  the  An- 
nual Commencement  of  Franklin  and  Marshal  Col- 

^^l^e  Hon.  James  Buchanan  is  President  of  the 
Board  of  Trustees,  and  graced  the  occasion  with  his 
presence  upon  the  stage. 

Nothing  occurred  to  mar  the  pleasure  of  any  one, 
unless  it  was  the  oration  of  W.  W.  Davis  of  Sterling, 
Illinois,  which  really  troubled  the  sage  of  Wheatland. 
The  subject  was  “ Decline  of  Political  Integrity.” 
The  sentiments  were  noble  and  manly,  delivered  in 
a pleasant  and  forcible  style,  worthy  of  maturer 
years.  He  commended  the  patriotism  of  the  fathers 
of  the  Rephblic,  and  denounced  the  degenerate  poli- 
tical huxters  of  the  present  day,  who  make  all  kinds 
of  sycophantic  promises  to  all  parties  and  portions 
of  the  country  for  even  a nomination  by  a Conven- 
tion, no  matter  how  corrupt  or  regardless  of  pobti- 
cal  integrity.  “ So  truckling  in  their  character  and 
destitute  of  moral  courage  and  political  integrity 
tliat  men  are  found  who  applaud  the  attack  of 
Canine  Brooks  upon  the  noble  Sumner  for  defending 
Freedom.” 


During  the  delivery  of  this  sentence  the  whole 
house  was  still  as  death,  and  at  its  close  it  was 
heartily  applauded.  Mr.  Davis  finished  his  oration 
and  retired  from  the  front  of  the  stage  amid  thunders 
of  applause,  and  showers  of  bouquets  from  his  lady 
friends.  For  him  it  was  truly  a triumph.  But  on 
retiring  to  his  seat,  next  to  that  of  Mr.  Buchanan, 
did  he  receive  the  congratulation  of  the  sage  of 
Wheatland?  No,  no.  Mr.  Buchanan  said  to  him, 
loud  enough  that  the  whole  class  could  hear  ; “My 
young  friend,  you  look  upon  the  dark  side  of  the 
picture.  Mr.  Sumner’s  speech  was  the  most  vifigar 
tirade  of  abuse  ever  delivered  in  a deliberative 
body.”  To  which  the  young  orator  replied  that  he 
“hoped  Mr.  Buchanan  did  not  approve  of  the 
attacks  upon  Mr.  Sumner  by  Brooks  and  others. 
To  which  Mr.  Buchanan  reio'ined  that  “Mf.  Brooks 
was  inconsiderate,  but  that  Senator  Butler  was  a very 
mild  man.”  Mr.  Davis  expressed  his  regret  at  the 
moderation  of  Mr.  Buchanan’s  views,  and  dropped 
the  conversation.  After  the  close  of  the  exercises, 
the  friends  of  Mr.  Davis  related  what  I have  written. 
Mr.  Davis  himself  said  h6  “ did  not  think  for  a mo- 
ment that  he  was  not  in  conversation  with  James 
Buchanan,”  but  now  learns  that  it  was  the  Repre- 
sentative of  the  Cincinnati  Platform  he  was  ad- 
dressed by.  The  whole  matter  has  caused  no  little 
gossip  here  in  quiet  old  Lancaster. 


LETTER  FROM 

THE  HON.  A.  G.  BROWN  TO  THE  HON.  S.  R.  ADAMS. 


The  Hon.  Albert  G.  Brown,  United  States  Sena- 
tor from  Mississippi,  was  one  of  the  committee 
chosen  by  the  Cincinnati  Convention  to  wait  ^ on 
Mr.  Buchanan  and  apprise  him  of  his  nomination. 
Having  done  so,  he  reports  progress  to  his  prede- 
cessor in  the  following  letter  : 

WAsiriNGTON  City,  Wednesday,  Jtnie  18,  1866. 

Mt  dear  Sib  : I congratulate  you  on  the  nomina- 
tion of  your  favorite  candidate  for  the  Presidency. 

If  the  nominatidn  of  Mr.  Buchanan  was  acceptable 
to  me  at  first,  it  is  still  more  so  now,  since  I have,  seen 
him  and  heard  him  speak.  The  committee  of  which 
I was  one,  waited  on  him  at  his  residence  to  give  him 
formal  and  oflBcial  notice  of  his  nomination,  and,  in 


the  name  of  the  National  Democracy,  to  request  hm 
acceptance  of  it.  We  found  him  open,  frank,  and 
wholly  undisguised  in  the  expression  of  his  sentiments. 
Mr.  Buchanan  said,  in  the  presence  of  all  who  had  as- 
sembled, and  they  were  from  the  North  and  the  South, 
the  East  and  the  West,  that  he  stood  upon  the  Cin- 
cinnati. Platform  and  indoi'sed  every  part  of  it.  He 
tvas  explicit  in  his  remarks  on  its  Slavei'y  features^  sou 
ing^  that  the  Slavery  issue  was  the  absorbing  element  m 
the  canvass.  He  recognized  to  its  fullest  extent  the 
overshadowing  importance  of  that  issue,  and  if  elected, 
he  would  make  it  the  great  aim  of  his  Administration 
to  settle  the  question  upon  such  terms  as  should  give 
peace  and  safety  to  the  Union,  and  security  to  the; 
South.  He  spoke  in  terms  of  decided  commendation  of 
the  Kansas  Bill,  and  as  pointedly  deprecated  the  un- 
worthy efforts  of  sectional  agitation  to  get  up  a na-- 


16 


tional  conflagration  on  tiiat  question.  After  the  pas- 
sage of  the  Compromise  measures  of  1850,  the  Kan- 
sas bill  was,  he  said,  necessary  to  harmonize  om' 
legislation  in  reference  to  the  Territories,  and  he  ex- 
pressed his  surprise  that  there  should  appear  any- 
where an  organized  opposition  to  the  Kansas  bill,  after 
the  general  acquiescence  which  the  whole  country 
had  expressed  in  the  measures  of  1850. 

After  thus  speaking  of  Kansas  and  the  Slavery 
issues,  Mr.  Buchanan  passed  to  our  foreign  policy. 
He  approved  in  general  terms  of  the  Cincinnati  reso- 
lutions on  this  subject.  But  said  that  while  enforcing 
our  own  policy,  we  must  at  all  times  scrupulously  re- 
gard the  just  rights  and  proper  policy  of  other  na- 
tions. He  was  not  opposed  to  Territorial  extension. 
All  our  acquisitions  had  been  fairly  and  honorably 
made.  Our  necessities  might  require  us  to  make  other 
acquisitions.  He  regarded  the  acquisition  of  Cuba  as 
<very  desirable  now.,  and  it  was  likely  to  become  a na- 
tional necessity.  Whenever  we  could  obtain  the  Is- 
land on  fair,  honorable  terms,  he  was  for  taking  it. 
But,  he  added,  it  will  be  a terrible  necessity  that 
would  induce  me  to  sanction  any  movement  that 
would  bring  reproach  upon  us,  or  tarnish  the  honor 
and  glory  of  our  beloved  country. 

After  the  formal  interview  was  over,  Mr.  Buchanan 
said  playfully,  but  in  the  presence  of  the  whole  audi- 


ence, If  I can  be  insb'umental  in  settling  the  Slavery 
question  upon  the  ieims  I have  mentioned.,  and  then  add 
Cuba  to  the  Union.,  I shall,  if  President,  be  willing  to 
give  up  the  ghost,  and  let  Breckenridge  take  the  Govern- 
ment.” Could  there  be  a more  noble  ambition? 
You  may  well  be  proud  of  your  early  choice  of  a 
candidate,  and  congratulate  yourself  that  no  adverse 
influences  ever  moved  you  an  inch  from  your  stern 
purpose' of  giving  the  great  Pennsylvanian  a steady, 
earnest  and  cordial  support.  In  my  judgment  he  is 
as  worthy  of  Southern  confidence  and  Southern  votes  as 
Mr.  Calhoun  ever  was  ; and  in  saying  tills  I do  not 
mean  to  intimate  that  Mr.  Buchanan  has  any  sec- 
tional prejudices  in  our  favor.  I only  mean  to  say 
that  he  has  none  against  us,  and  that  we  may  rely 
with  absolute  certainty  on  receiving  full  justice,  ac- 
cording to  the  Constitution,  at  his  hands. 

Knowing  your  long,  laborious  and  faithful  adher- 
ence to  the  fortunes  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  I have  thought 
it  proper  to  address  you  this  letter  to  give  you  assur- 
ance that  you  had  not  mistaken  your  man,  nor  failed 
in  the  performance  of  a sacred  and  fihal  duty  to  the 
South.  In  doing  so  I violate  no  confidence. 

Very  truly. 

Your  friend, 

A.  G.  Brown. 

To  the  Hon.  S.  R.  Adams. 


IiEPUBLffiA\  DOCUMENTS  NOW  READY. 


LIFE  OF  COLONEL  FREMONT. 

An  original  and  authentic  Biography  of  the 
People’s  Candidate  for  President,  prepared  ex- 
pressly and  with  great  care  for  The  Tribune 
Office,  is  now  ready.  It  is  condensed  into  a 
pamphlet  of  32  large  octavo  pages,  on  good  type, 
with  spirited  illustrations. 

Price  per  dozen, $ 0 40 

Brice  per  hundred,  . . . . 2 50 

Price  per  thousand,  . . . . 20  00 

A German  Edition  of  the  above  is  now  ready, 
same  price. 

HON.  CHARLES  SUMNER’S  SPEECH  in  the 
Benate,  on  Kansas  Affairs — 32  pages. 

Price  per  dozen, $ 0 40 

Price  per  hundred,  .'  . . 2 50 

Price  per  thousand,  . . . . 20  00 


BORDER  RUFFIAN  CODE  IN  KANSAS  is  now 
toady — 16  large  octavo  pages.  | 

Price  per  dozen,  . •.  . . $ 0 20 
Price  per  hundred,  . . . . 1 25 
Price  r«f  itiousand,  . . . . 10  00 


THE  REPORT  OF  THE  KANSAS  INVESTIGAT- 
\ ING  COMMITTEE; 


Submitted  on  Tuesday,  the  1st  inst.,  by  the  Hon.  Messrs. 
Howard  of  Mich,  and  Sherman  of  Ohio,  with  2,500  pages  of 
evidence,  the  fruit  of  three  months’  faithful  labor  in  Kansas. 


Price  per  single  copy, 

$ 0 04 

Price  per  dozen,  . 

. 0 40 

Price  per  hundred, 

2 50 

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20  00 

GOVERNOR  SEWARD’S  SPEECH  on  the  Immediate 
Admission  of  Kansas,  is  now  ready — 16  large  octavo  pages. 

Price  per  dozen,  . 

. $ 0 20 

Price  per  hundred, 

.•  1 26 

Price  per  thousand, 

. . . 10  00 

HON.  SCHUYLER  COLFAX’S  SPEECH  on  the 
“ Laws  ” of  Kansas,  16  octavo  pages,  same  price  as  th« 
above. 


JAMES  BUCHANAN,  HIS  DOCTRINES  AND 
POLICY,  as  exhibited  by  himself  and  his  friends.  16  octa- 
vo pages,  same  price  as  above. 


Orders  enclosing  the  cash  are  respectfully  solicited. 

GREELEY  & McELRATH, 

Tribune  Oekice,  New  York. 


Oaylord  Eros. 
Makers 
vSyracnse,  N. 

PAT.  JAN.  21,  1908 


